Vladko Maček and the Croat Political Right, 1928–1941

2007 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-213
Author(s):  
MARK BIONDICH

AbstractThe Croat Peasant Party was arguably the most important Croatian political party during the existence of the first Yugoslavia (1918–41). Under the leadership of Vladko Maček (1879–1964), it entered the most difficult period of its history: it was forced to contend with the royal dictatorship (1929–34) of King Aleksandar Karadjordjević, the Great Depression, growing nationality tensions and an increasingly volatile political climate in which the extremes of the right and left, represented in Croatia by the Ustaša and Communist parties respectively, contended for power. This article examines the contentious relationship between Maček's Croat Peasant Party and the fascist Ustaša movement between 1929 and 1941, and assesses Maček's legacy and his place in Croatia's 20th-century political history.

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Alexander

In truth, it feels rather pretentious of me to consider my life to be a meaningful source of wisdom that might guide future scholars. Perhaps that is why I have chosen to draw on the life of my father, William Cecil Mullins, as the inspiration for the guidance I proffer here. I rarely speak about this good man and only few of my friends and colleagues ever had the pleasure of meeting him while he was alive. Yet, forever etched in my memory are his stories about growing up in the hills of Southwestern Virginia during the Great Depression, the survival instincts that those years instilled in him, and the abiding love he had for his mother, eight siblings, and for those hills he called home.Because I spring from such humble roots, I have always felt different from those I regarded as born to a career in the academy. Indeed, I see the fabric of my life as more akin to the quilts that my paternal grandmother, Creecy Lou, made from feed sacks and the remnants of tattered garments rather than to the rich tapestries I have seen adorning the halls of academia. That is not to disparage my upbringing or my grandmother’s quilts. In fact, the one quilt I have of hers that has survived all these passing years remains among my most cherished possessions. Every faded or worn piece carries memories and feelings that are truly precious to me. Like that quilt, my life is a patchwork that is not easily stitched together to form a clear or coherent tale of academic success that others might wish to emulate. Yet, I have achieved success. That I must admit. I also do not believe that my success came in spite of my humble roots. Instead, if I merit the right to stand among renowned scholars in education research contributing their acquired wisdoms, it is because of those roots and the insights they have afforded me.With that backdrop in place, let me share several basic “truths” that I have stitched together from my father’s words and deeds. These patchworked lessons have been instrumental to my academic success. Perhaps these lessons might inspire others seeking guidance. Whether these lessons represent “wisdom,” I cannot say. Yet, as with my grandmother’s quilt, I am confident in their practical value.


2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 237-261
Author(s):  
Alexander Tsipko

The author of the article analyzes the key directions of Russian philosophic thought starting with the end of the 19th century, as well as the course of Russian political history in the 19th century, and using his fist-hand experience gives his own interpretation of the phenomena of Russian nihilism, Russian socialism and Russian messianism. In particular the author discusses the ascetic Orthodoxy idea of “rich people being worse than poor”, that during long periods united the narratives of various, and very often oppositional to each other, directions of the Russian thought, as well as the purposes of intelligentsia on the whole. That attitude to “richness” according to the author was based on the long-standing tradition of the mobid attitude to asceticism, and he develops Rozanov’s idea that there is no proof of the postulate that a suffering proletarian is closer to spiritual perfection than a so-called “exploiter”. At the bottom of Russian nihilism was the total denial of life, that later led the attitude to any individual as just means in the revolutionary doctrine and in post-revolutionary political practices. On the contrary, the acknowledgement of the world intrinsic value can serve as philosophical prerequisite of the opposition to the interpreting of an individual as “just means”. V.V. Rozanov supported that idea of intrinsic value connecting the divine with the living in his “philosophy of the mundane”, thus defending the right of any Russian man to the joys of commonness. On the basis of that position the author of the article discredits the Russian messianism that was understood as socialist world mission by some thinkers at the beginning of the 20th century. According to the author the paradox lies in the fact that Russian messianism was generated in reality not by the love to Russia, but by the lack of national feelings, he also states that all these problems are still relevant in contemporary Russia.


2019 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Saul Levmore

John Dos Passos’ The Big Money (1936) is hardly the only important American work to see greed as a cause of the stock market crash and then the Great Depression. It is packed with the problem of distinguishing greed from ambition, and it raises the question of the right social response to unattractive impulses. Prior to losing his idealistic fervor, or exchanging it for conservative passion, Dos Passos freely associated ambition with corruption, and acquisitiveness with antisocial self-interest. His deployment and biographical sketches of industrialists and other notable Americans suggest the difficulty of distinguishing avarice from ambition. Dos Passos’ treatment of ambition presupposes an economy where one person’s gain is at the expense of another; artistic accomplishment is, however, freed from this assumption. The novel speaks more to individual excesses than to their regulation, but it offers an opportunity to think about both.


2002 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 473-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTINE K. ERICKSON

Who, then, is Mrs. Dilling? Upon what strange meat has she been fed that she hath grown so great: And what inspired her, she who might have taken up knitting or petunia-growing, to adopt as her hobby the deliberate and sometimes hasty criticism of men and women she has never even seen.1To see the lady in action, screaming and leaping and ripping along at breakneck speed, is to see certain symptoms of simple hysteria on the loose.2May God strengthen and uphold you, [Mrs. Dilling] … May your wonderful work grow and help save our Republic, … a time is coming when you will be blessed … You deserve a place in history comparable to Washington and Lincoln.3Hysterical and demented, saintly and just, these were just some of the characterizations of the most prominent female activist on the right during the Great Depression. Elizabeth Dilling embraced them all. For Dilling and her supporters, service in the cause of Christianity and Americanism demanded vigilance and determination, as well as a tough skin.Dilling's story is a fascinating one and deserves telling, if only because of the passion she provoked in her audiences. Yet her story has larger historical significance. Dilling created her own unique style of politics – distinctly gendered and explicitly personal, a feminine counterpunch to her male colleagues on the far-right who were relatively more aloof from their constituents. For Dilling, involvement in the politics of anti-communism was not only a personal source of strength and satisfaction but also a ticket to what she hoped would be a long and respectable career as an authority on subversive movements.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2275 (1) ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
John G. Allen ◽  
Herbert S. Levinson

During the first third of the 20th century, 16 commuter rail operations in major North American metropolitan areas adopted electric traction. Ten of these electrifications survive. The other six were discontinued between 1929 and 1949, although parts of the alignments of some properties have been returned to regional transit use. With a comparison of the histories of the former electric railroads with those of operations that survived, the reasons for their discontinuance are investigated. Perhaps unexpectedly, the Great Depression does not solely account for the demise of most of these lines. Instead, major geographic barriers precluding direct downtown service and the construction of new highway links appear to have been at least as important. Furthermore, all surviving electrifications addressed practical operating needs. However, no installations undertaken as technological test beds or in response to competing lines have survived.


Author(s):  
Thomas Leslie

For more than a century, Chicago's skyline has included some of the world's most distinctive and inspiring buildings. This history of the Windy City's skyscrapers begins in the key period of reconstruction after the Great Fire of 1871 and concludes in 1934 with the onset of the Great Depression, which brought architectural progress to a standstill. During this time, such iconic landmarks as the Chicago Tribune Tower, the Wrigley Building, the Marshall Field and Company Building, the Chicago Stock Exchange, the Palmolive Building, the Masonic Temple, the City Opera, Merchandise Mart, and many others rose to impressive new heights, thanks to innovations in building methods and materials. Solid, earthbound edifices of iron, brick, and stone made way for towers of steel and plate glass, imparting a striking new look to Chicago's growing urban landscape. This book reveals the daily struggles, technical breakthroughs, and negotiations that produced these magnificent buildings. It also considers how the city's infamous political climate contributed to its architecture, as building and zoning codes were often disputed by shifting networks of rivals, labor unions, professional organizations, and municipal bodies. Featuring more than a hundred photographs and illustrations of the city's physically impressive and beautifully diverse architecture, the book highlights an exceptionally dynamic, energetic period of architectural progress in Chicago.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
Daniel A. Dombrowski

In this work two key theses are defended: political liberalism is a processual (rather than a static) view and process thinkers should be political liberals. Three major figures are considered (Rawls, Whitehead, Hartshorne) in the effort to show the superiority of political liberalism to its illiberal alternatives on the political right and left. Further, a politically liberal stance regarding nonhuman animals and the environment is articulated. It is typical for debates in political philosophy to be adrift regarding the concept of method, but from start to finish this book relies on the processual method of reflective equilibrium or dialectic at its best. This is the first extended effort to argue for both political liberalism as a process-oriented view and process philosophy/theology as a politically liberal view. It is also a timely defense of political liberalism against illiberal tendencies on both the right and the left.


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