‘Woe Betide Us If They Win!’: National Socialist Treatment of the Spanish ‘Volunteer’ Workers

2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 329-357 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARICIÓ JANUÉ I MIRET

AbstractDuring 1941 the need for workers in Germany increased. As a result, the National Socialists requested allied and neutral countries to recruit volunteer workers. The total number of volunteers from these countries employed by the Nazis during the Second World War was similar to the total number of the civilian workers from occupied Poland. In spite of the better conditions offered to these volunteers and the efforts to indoctrinate them, the National Socialists failed to attract them to their cause. This article examines the reasons for this failure, taking as an example the case of the Spanish volunteers. The research is mainly based on the documents of the German-Spanish Society (Deutsch-Spanische Gesellschaft, DSG) of Berlin, which was the principal intermediary between the Spanish volunteers, and the National Socialist and Spanish authorities.

Quaerendo ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 256-283
Author(s):  
Frederike Doppenberg

AbstractDuring the Second World War the social-democratic publisher De Arbeiderspers [The Workers’ Press] was transferred into National Socialist hands. The National Socialists wanted to transform the party press of the SDAP, the social democratic party of the Netherlands, into a National Socialist platform. The publisher, however, had a secure circle of socialist customers whom the new management did not want to deter. This article is a study, based on a reconstruction of the list of publications during the period ’40 -’45, of how the National Socialist managers attempted to change the ideological foundation of De Arbeiderspers.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-202
Author(s):  
Xavier Moreno Juliá

During the Second World War Dr. Edith Faupel intensively helped the Spanish students and soldiers of the Blue Division, the unit that fought in Russia within the Wehermacht troops. She was the wife of the first German Ambassador in the National Spain, General Wilhelm Faupel (1936–1937). Faupel was the director of The Iberian-American Institute and of the German-Spanish Society at a time. She and her husband fully served the regime of the National Socialists during its existence in Germany. The action of this woman and her motifs are studied in this article. It is also analysed how her activities were determined by the changes on the fronts of World War II.


Author(s):  
Philipp Glahé

Abstract After the Second World War, the Allies began a program of legal prosecution of war criminals who were to be sentenced in fair and public processes. However, these processes soon evoked vivid criticism, and by no means simply from former National Socialists. The Heidelberg Circle of Jurists (‘Heidelberger Juristenkreis’) is an example of a heterogeneous lobby group including victims of National Socialism as well as supporters of this ideology demanding amnesty for German war criminals between 1949 and 1955. Numbering forty high-ranking judges, lawyers, politicians, professors and church representatives, the Circle had access to a vast network and had a considerable impact on Allied and German war-crimes policy. On the basis of new source material, this article examines the Circle’s evolution, its apparently contradictory composition, its argumentation and its aims, by focusing on three of its members, the former minister of justice of the Weimar Republic and legal philosopher Gustav Radbruch, the internationalist Erich Kaufmann and the Nuremberg lawyer Hellmut Becker.


Numen ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Grottanelli

AbstractMircea Eliade, the writer and historian of religions, and Ernst Jünger, the hero of the Great War, novelist, and essayist, met in the 1950s and co-edited twelve issues of the periodical Antaios. Before they met and cooperated, however, and while the German writer knew about Eliade from their common friend, Carl Schmitt, they both dealt with the subject of human sacrifice. Eliade began to do so in the thirties, and his interest in that theme was at least in part an aspect of his political activism on behalf of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, or the Iron Guard, the nationalistic and anti-Semitic movement lead by Corneliu Codreanu. Sacrificial ideology was a central aspect of the Legion's political theories, as well as of the practice of its members. After the Iron Guard was outlawed by its allies, and many of its members had been killed, and while the Romanian regime of Marshal Ion Antonescu was still fighting alongside the National Socialist regime in the Second World War, Eliade turned to other aspects of sacrificial ideology. In 1939 he wrote the play Iphigenia, celebrating Agamemnon's daughter as a willing victim whose death made the Greek conquest of Troy possible; and as a member of the regime's diplomatic service in Lisbon he published a book in Portuguese on Romanian virtues (1943), in which he presented what he called Two Myths of Romanian Spirituality, extolling his nation's readiness to die through the description of the sacrificial traditions of Master Manole and of the Ewe Lamb (Mioritza). Jünger's attitude to sacrifice ran along lines that were less traditional: possibly already while serving as a Wehrmacht officer, in his pamphlet Der Friede, the German writer attributed sacrificial status to all the victims of the Second World War, soldiers, workmen, and unknowing innocents, and saw their death as the ransom of a peace "without victory or defeat." In this article, the sacrificial ideologies of the two intellectuals are compared in order to reflect upon the complex interplay between traditional religious themes, more or less freely re-interpreted and transformed, political power, and violent conflict, in an age of warfare marked by fascisms and by the terrible massacre some refer to by the name of an ancient Greek sacrificial practice.


2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-328
Author(s):  
Aragorn Fuhrmann

Deze paper beoogt een nieuw licht te werpen op het vroege literaire werk van Hugo Claus, meer bepaald op De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Claus’ canonieke dichtbundel werd tot dusver hoofdzakelijk gelezen vanuit een klassiek structuralistisch paradigma. Dat betekent dat Claus’ gedichten steevast werden losgekoppeld van hun biografische en historische context. In dat verband opteert deze paper voor een alternatieve lezing. Uitgangspunt vormt het oorlogsverleden van de auteur: Claus was tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog lid van een nationaalsocialistische jeugdbeweging en groeide op in een milieu van collaborateurs en geradicaliseerde Vlaams-nationalisten. Nadat de schrijver dit verleden eerst probeerde te ontvluchten door naar Parijs te reizen en zich daar expliciet te profileren als een autonome en kosmopolitische kunstenaar, ging hij er vanaf 1952 toch steeds weer de confrontatie mee aan. In de zomer van dat jaar ging Claus gedurende enkele maanden op bezoek bij zijn familie in Lourdes-Oostakker. Tijdens zijn verblijf in het Oost-Vlaamse dorp en bedevaartsoord kwam hij niet alleen opnieuw in aanraking met de financiële en relationele problemen van zijn door de repressie getekende bloedverwanten, hij werd er ook geconfronteerd met een Vlaanderen dat zijn oorlogsverleden nog steeds niet kritisch had verwerkt. Lourdes-Oostakker bleek het decor te vormen van een van de vele ideologisch verre van onschuldige oostfrontherdenkingen die op dat moment op verschillende plekken in Vlaanderen werden georganiseerd. Tegen die achtergrond schreef Claus een eerste versie van zijn Oostakkerse gedichten: een scherpzinnig onderzoek naar de unheimliche parallellen tussen het nationaalsocialisme en het christelijke denken én zijn eerste, poëtische aanklacht tegen het naoorlogse, in rites en mythes verstrikte Vlaanderen.___________ The rapid-fire writer, war and collaboration. Trauma processing in Hugo Claus’s ‘Nota’s voor een Oostakkerse Cantate’ This paper aims to shed new light on Hugo Claus’s early work, in particular his De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Notwithstanding a few exceptions, this work has generally been analysed from a classic structuralist paradigm. Consequently, Claus’s poems have continuously been detached from their biographical and historical contexts. To address this issue, this paper will propose an alternative approach. It will stress the prevalence of Claus’s wartime experiences, when, in a context of collaborating and radicalized Flemish nationalists, he became a member of a National-Socialist youth organisation. After first discarding his wartime upbringing by travelling to Paris and proclaiming to be an autonomous and cosmopolitan artist, Claus would start to confront his past during the summer of 1952, when he visited his family in Lourdes-Oostakker for a couple of months. During this time, Claus would not only encounter destitute family members who were affected by the post-war repression, but also be struck by the fact that Flanders had still not critically addressed its role and involvement in the Second World War. Moreover, Lourdes-Oostakker was one of many sites in Flanders that commemorated those that had fought at the eastern front during the war in a highly partisan manner. It is in these circumstances that Claus would write his initial version of the De Oostakkerse gedichten, constituting an astute examination of the disquieting parallels beween National Socialism and Christian rationale as well as his first, poetical charge against the rites and myths that marked post-war Flanders.


2013 ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
Stefan Leibold

From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hans Petter Graver

In his book ‘Der Krieg der Richter’ (The Judges’ War), Hans Petter Graver, a professor at the Department of Private Law at the University of Oslo, analyses the role of German and Norwegian courts during Germany’s occupation of Norway from 1940 to 1945. During the Second World War, ‘cruel judges and magistrates’ also fulfilled their ‘duty’ in Norway, above all those from the ‘Reichskriegsgericht’, the highest military court in Nazi Germany, the SS and police court in Oslo, and various special tribunals and drumhead court martials. While Nazification affected almost the entire Norwegian legal system, not least through the Norwegian far-right party Nasjonal Samling, there were some protests among the judiciary. However, how can their relatively weak resistance be explained? How did they reconcile the National Socialist ethos with their understanding of their own occupation and their professional ethics? In this book, Hans Petter Graver now provides German-speaking readers with a fascinating insight into a time replete with moral issues.


Fascism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-297
Author(s):  
Anton Hruboň

Abstract Despite its official Catholic nature, Jozef Tiso’s Slovak State apparatus adopted not only the teachings of the eugenic movement but also the racial-hygiene ideology of National Socialist Germany, which it gradually implemented into its political culture. This study presents how eugenic and racial-hygiene thinking was introduced into the structures of Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana (HSĽS; Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party), the self-governing party of independent Slovakia during the Second World War, against the backdrop of developmental trends in Europe. What is emphasized here is the gradual formation of the racial paradigm in the spirit of a eugenic and racial-hygiene framework, as well as the formation of a ‘pure Aryan Slovak nation’ cult, physically and mentally contrasting with racially-hygienically ‘unclean and degenerate’ Jews and Roma.


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