scholarly journals Creating the Paradigm of ‘New Nation’

Fascism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-297
Author(s):  
Anton Hruboň

Abstract Despite its official Catholic nature, Jozef Tiso’s Slovak State apparatus adopted not only the teachings of the eugenic movement but also the racial-hygiene ideology of National Socialist Germany, which it gradually implemented into its political culture. This study presents how eugenic and racial-hygiene thinking was introduced into the structures of Hlinkova slovenská ľudová strana (HSĽS; Hlinka’s Slovak People’s Party), the self-governing party of independent Slovakia during the Second World War, against the backdrop of developmental trends in Europe. What is emphasized here is the gradual formation of the racial paradigm in the spirit of a eugenic and racial-hygiene framework, as well as the formation of a ‘pure Aryan Slovak nation’ cult, physically and mentally contrasting with racially-hygienically ‘unclean and degenerate’ Jews and Roma.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002200942098804
Author(s):  
Regina Kazyulina

During the Second World War, approximately 28,500 Soviet women fought in the ranks of the partisans on Soviet territory temporarily occupied by the Wehrmacht. Although Soviet propaganda destined for the home front often spoke about their contributions, they eschewed direct appeals for others to follow in their footsteps. In contrast, partisan leaflets distributed across occupied territory overtly called on local women to join the partisan movement and fight alongside men. This essay explores how Soviet propagandists attempted to engage with local women on occupied territory through partisan leaflets and the kinds of expectations they sought to convey. Partisan leaflets not only exploited the image of the self-sacrificing partizanka to encourage women to sacrifice themselves but also vividly and graphically detailed crimes committed against women and children in order to inspire hatred. Such depictions were meant to steal the resolve of local civilians, while simultaneously discouraging behavior that was thought to aid the enemy. The representations conveyed in partisan leaflets encouraged a duality that saw women portrayed either as Soviet-style amazons or victims of sexual violence and rape. While promoting partisan recruitment, such representations encouraged unrealistic expectations and foreshadowed the violence that awaited women who failed to live up to them.


War Tourism ◽  
2018 ◽  
pp. 213-226
Author(s):  
Bertram M. Gordon

The study of memory tourism to war sites should not exclude the study of tourism during wartime. Both are components of war tourism, imparting meaning to war for both victors and vanquished. Both reflect their eras, whether through the gazes of the curious individual or the political and economic configurations sustaining the tourism industry. Germans who described a newfound appreciation of their homeland after touring occupied France show how tourism worked in two directions, impacting not only on the sites visited but also the self-image of the visitor. Local governments in France now reach a larger tourism public with new technology. A powerful hold of Second World War imagery in France continues to face ethical issues of sustainability and trivialization.


Quaerendo ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 40 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 256-283
Author(s):  
Frederike Doppenberg

AbstractDuring the Second World War the social-democratic publisher De Arbeiderspers [The Workers’ Press] was transferred into National Socialist hands. The National Socialists wanted to transform the party press of the SDAP, the social democratic party of the Netherlands, into a National Socialist platform. The publisher, however, had a secure circle of socialist customers whom the new management did not want to deter. This article is a study, based on a reconstruction of the list of publications during the period ’40 -’45, of how the National Socialist managers attempted to change the ideological foundation of De Arbeiderspers.


Numen ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 116-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiano Grottanelli

AbstractMircea Eliade, the writer and historian of religions, and Ernst Jünger, the hero of the Great War, novelist, and essayist, met in the 1950s and co-edited twelve issues of the periodical Antaios. Before they met and cooperated, however, and while the German writer knew about Eliade from their common friend, Carl Schmitt, they both dealt with the subject of human sacrifice. Eliade began to do so in the thirties, and his interest in that theme was at least in part an aspect of his political activism on behalf of the Legion of the Archangel Michael, or the Iron Guard, the nationalistic and anti-Semitic movement lead by Corneliu Codreanu. Sacrificial ideology was a central aspect of the Legion's political theories, as well as of the practice of its members. After the Iron Guard was outlawed by its allies, and many of its members had been killed, and while the Romanian regime of Marshal Ion Antonescu was still fighting alongside the National Socialist regime in the Second World War, Eliade turned to other aspects of sacrificial ideology. In 1939 he wrote the play Iphigenia, celebrating Agamemnon's daughter as a willing victim whose death made the Greek conquest of Troy possible; and as a member of the regime's diplomatic service in Lisbon he published a book in Portuguese on Romanian virtues (1943), in which he presented what he called Two Myths of Romanian Spirituality, extolling his nation's readiness to die through the description of the sacrificial traditions of Master Manole and of the Ewe Lamb (Mioritza). Jünger's attitude to sacrifice ran along lines that were less traditional: possibly already while serving as a Wehrmacht officer, in his pamphlet Der Friede, the German writer attributed sacrificial status to all the victims of the Second World War, soldiers, workmen, and unknowing innocents, and saw their death as the ransom of a peace "without victory or defeat." In this article, the sacrificial ideologies of the two intellectuals are compared in order to reflect upon the complex interplay between traditional religious themes, more or less freely re-interpreted and transformed, political power, and violent conflict, in an age of warfare marked by fascisms and by the terrible massacre some refer to by the name of an ancient Greek sacrificial practice.


2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-315 ◽  
Author(s):  
NILS ARNE SØRENSEN

After the liberation in 1945, two conflicting narratives of the war experience were formulated. A consensus narrative presented the Danish nation as being united in resistance while a competing narrative, which also stressed the resistance of most Danes, depicted the collaborating Danish establishment as an enemy alongside the Germans. This latter narrative, formulated by members of the resistance movement, was marginalised after the war and the consensus narrative became dominant. The resistance narrative survived, however, and, from the 1960s, it was successfully retold by the left, both to criticise the Danish alliance with the ‘imperialist’ United States, and as an argument against Danish membership of the EC. From the 1980s, the right also used the framework of the resistance narrative in its criticism of Danish asylum legislation. Finally, liberal Prime Minister Anders Fogh Rasmussen started using it as his basic narrative of the war years (partly in order to legitimise his government's decision to join the war against Iraq in 2003). The war years have thus played a central role in Danish political culture since 1945, and in this process the role of historians has been utterly marginal.


2004 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-819 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. STOCKWELL

An organizing principle of Britain's pre-war empire was collaboration with indigenous monarchies. Secure on their thrones, they legitimated British rule as well as assisting it in practical ways. While friendly princes were assets, however, uncooperative ones could be liabilities; they might obstruct attempts to exploit their resources or to modernize their governments. After the Second World War, British priorities and strategies changed. With their backs to the wall they switched from supporting princes to accommodating politicians. There was no obvious role for them in new nation-states and in many dependencies indigenous monarchies were swept aside by the onrush of nationalism. Yet in Malaya and Brunei they survived: the rulers of the peninsular Malay states did so by adjusting to political change, whereas the Sultan of Brunei flourished by preventing it.


2019 ◽  
Vol 77 (4) ◽  
pp. 309-328
Author(s):  
Aragorn Fuhrmann

Deze paper beoogt een nieuw licht te werpen op het vroege literaire werk van Hugo Claus, meer bepaald op De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Claus’ canonieke dichtbundel werd tot dusver hoofdzakelijk gelezen vanuit een klassiek structuralistisch paradigma. Dat betekent dat Claus’ gedichten steevast werden losgekoppeld van hun biografische en historische context. In dat verband opteert deze paper voor een alternatieve lezing. Uitgangspunt vormt het oorlogsverleden van de auteur: Claus was tijdens de Tweede Wereldoorlog lid van een nationaalsocialistische jeugdbeweging en groeide op in een milieu van collaborateurs en geradicaliseerde Vlaams-nationalisten. Nadat de schrijver dit verleden eerst probeerde te ontvluchten door naar Parijs te reizen en zich daar expliciet te profileren als een autonome en kosmopolitische kunstenaar, ging hij er vanaf 1952 toch steeds weer de confrontatie mee aan. In de zomer van dat jaar ging Claus gedurende enkele maanden op bezoek bij zijn familie in Lourdes-Oostakker. Tijdens zijn verblijf in het Oost-Vlaamse dorp en bedevaartsoord kwam hij niet alleen opnieuw in aanraking met de financiële en relationele problemen van zijn door de repressie getekende bloedverwanten, hij werd er ook geconfronteerd met een Vlaanderen dat zijn oorlogsverleden nog steeds niet kritisch had verwerkt. Lourdes-Oostakker bleek het decor te vormen van een van de vele ideologisch verre van onschuldige oostfrontherdenkingen die op dat moment op verschillende plekken in Vlaanderen werden georganiseerd. Tegen die achtergrond schreef Claus een eerste versie van zijn Oostakkerse gedichten: een scherpzinnig onderzoek naar de unheimliche parallellen tussen het nationaalsocialisme en het christelijke denken én zijn eerste, poëtische aanklacht tegen het naoorlogse, in rites en mythes verstrikte Vlaanderen.___________ The rapid-fire writer, war and collaboration. Trauma processing in Hugo Claus’s ‘Nota’s voor een Oostakkerse Cantate’ This paper aims to shed new light on Hugo Claus’s early work, in particular his De Oostakkerse gedichten (1955). Notwithstanding a few exceptions, this work has generally been analysed from a classic structuralist paradigm. Consequently, Claus’s poems have continuously been detached from their biographical and historical contexts. To address this issue, this paper will propose an alternative approach. It will stress the prevalence of Claus’s wartime experiences, when, in a context of collaborating and radicalized Flemish nationalists, he became a member of a National-Socialist youth organisation. After first discarding his wartime upbringing by travelling to Paris and proclaiming to be an autonomous and cosmopolitan artist, Claus would start to confront his past during the summer of 1952, when he visited his family in Lourdes-Oostakker for a couple of months. During this time, Claus would not only encounter destitute family members who were affected by the post-war repression, but also be struck by the fact that Flanders had still not critically addressed its role and involvement in the Second World War. Moreover, Lourdes-Oostakker was one of many sites in Flanders that commemorated those that had fought at the eastern front during the war in a highly partisan manner. It is in these circumstances that Claus would write his initial version of the De Oostakkerse gedichten, constituting an astute examination of the disquieting parallels beween National Socialism and Christian rationale as well as his first, poetical charge against the rites and myths that marked post-war Flanders.


2013 ◽  
pp. 35-44
Author(s):  
Stefan Leibold

From the end of the 19th century to the present, six political regimes followed one another in Germany: from the monarchy to the Weimar Republic, the national socialist dictatorship, the occupation by the allies after the Second World War, East Germany under Soviet influence, the new established capitalist West Germany and the reunified Germany (the "Berlin Republic" after 1990). Nevertheless, surprisingly enough, the structure of the German welfare state has shown a steady continuity over such a long span of time: Germany is a very prominent example of "path dependency" in matter of welfare state. This direction is characterized by a corporative stance in social policy and it involves economic associations, Unions, private welfare organizations and mainstream Churches as leading actors of this process. The article discusses whether or not the influence of religion is a cause for the distinct features of the German welfare state. It briefly draws on current analysis and a research project in Münster (Germany); it investigates the historical and ideological roots of the typical German welfare model, and the role religion played in that respect. Finally, it focuses upon the German welfare-state model from 1945 to the present.


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