The History of Women's Suffrage in Queensland

2005 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 3-7
Author(s):  
Jean Stewart

In 2004, as the centenary of women achieving the right to vote in Queensland elections drew near, plans were made to hold a conference: ‘A Celebration of the Centenary of Women's Suffrage in Queensland and the Achievements of Queensland Women in Parliament’. The conference was about Queensland women in Parliament, a joint endeavour of Professor Kay Saunders of the University of Queensland and the Royal Historical Society of Queensland. The conference was held on Saturday, 5 February 2005 in the Red Chamber (the former Legislative Council Chamber) of Parliament House. Speakers were assembled to present a history of the attainment of women's suffrage in Queensland and to recognise the achievements since 1905 of Queensland women as politicians in both the state and federal spheres. The majority of those papers appear in this issue of Queensland Review.

Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Alporha

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines


Author(s):  
Humberto Llavador

The historical evolution of the right to vote offers three observations. First, almost all groups have seen their voting rights challenged at some point in time, and almost all political movements have sought to exclude some other group from voting. Second, reforms towards suffrage extension are varied—from the direct introduction of universal (male) suffrage to a trickle down process of enfranchising a small group at a time. Third, the history of franchise extension is a history of expansions and contractions. Much of the literature on the evolution of the right to vote builds on the following question: Why would a ruling elite decide to extend the suffrage to excluded groups who have different interests in the level of redistribution and the provision of public goods? Two competing theories dominate the debate: Bottom-up or demand theories emphasizing the role of revolutionary threats, and top-down or supply theories, explaining franchise extensions as the outcome of the strategic interactions of those in power and elites in the democratic opposition. A second question addresses the choice of a particular path of franchise extension, asking what explains different strategies and, in particular, the role of their accompanying institutional reforms. In contrast to the literature on the inclusion of the lower classes, women’s suffrage has been traditionally presented as the conquest of the suffragette movement. Current research, however, departs from this exceptionalism of female suffrage and shows certain consensus in explaining women’s suffrage as a political calculus, in which men willingly extend the franchise when they expect to benefit from it. Arguments differ though in the specific mechanisms that explain the political calculus. Finally, the literature on compulsory voting addresses the estimations of its impact on turnout; whether it translates into more efficient campaigning, improved legitimacy, and better representativity; and ultimately its effects on policies.


1986 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 690-714 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon H. Nolte

The history of women is different from that of men. Women's history is the highlighting of the cultural construction of gender, the ways in which “men” and “women” are defined in considerable autonomy from biological males and females. The culturally constructed gender system interacts with a society's political system in ways that are just beginning to be explored.1 At the same time, scholars also find their definitions of national states to be in flux. Criticizing both Weberian and Marxist traditions of analysis of the state, Charles Bright and Susan Harding have stressed the open-ended, continuous, and contingent interplay between state structures and initiatives on the one hand, and social movements on the other.2 It is an auspicious time to reconsider the relationships between women and the state in cross-cultural perspective. Here I will examine the women's suffrage movement in Japan (1919–31 ) in its political context in order to encourage comparison with other women's suffrage movements, and to re-examine the interwar Japanese state from the viewpoint of one of its least-studied challengers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 396-422
Author(s):  
І. V. Sapozhnykov

The article is observed the archeological activity of the native of German colony of Sarata in Budzhak and the author of first excavations of the barrows of this region, Professor F. I. Knauer. Fedor (Friedrich) Ivan Knauer (1849—1917) graduated the Sarata Teachers College (1865). He studied linguistics, Sanskrit and German at the Universities of Jena and Tubingen, graduated the University of Derpt (1882) where he defended his doctoral thesis (1884). After that he worked at St. Vladimir University in Kiev as Professor of the Department of Comparative Linguistics and Sanskrit (from 1886 to 1915). He participated the XI Archaeological Congress in Kiev (1899), XIII (1902, Hamburg) and XVI (1912, Athens) international congresses of orientalists. The scholar engaged in archaeology under the influence of members of the Historical Society of Nestor the Chronist, in particular Professor V. B. Antonovich. One of his tasks was to gather the collection for the creation of the archaeological museum at St. Vladimir’s University. The fieldwork of the scholar in 1888—1889, 1891, and 1899 are described in the paper. During these works he examined 11 barrows on the banks of the rivers Sarat and Kogylnik and found 75—77 graves which were compiled to the chrono-stratigraphic column of burials from the Eneolithic to the Middle Ages. In the special annex to the paper the materials of research of the author of 2018 were revealed, during which the state of the majority of thebarrows of F. I. Knauer was discovered and some of which are proposed to be excavated


2020 ◽  
pp. 114-128
Author(s):  
Irina Pushkareva ◽  
Natalia Pushkareva

The article is the first essay in Russian historiography on the history of the emergence and establishment of women’s political organizations in Russia at the beginning of the XX c., the struggle for women’s suffrage and the competence to voice women’s demands in the State Duma. The authors recreate the history of women’s political participation in Russia, its role and significance in 1900—1914.


2020 ◽  
pp. 167
Author(s):  
Wanda Łuczak

Establishment of the National Higher Teacher Training College (WSP) and an attempt to merge it with the Jagiellonian University in 1956 After the Second World War, the Jagiellonian University lost its autonomy and the state authorities destroyed its structures by separating the departments and creating new universities out of them. Independently, in 1946, the National Higher Teacher Training College in Krakow was established. In 1954, it received the right to run a master’s course. The quality of education in WSP was assessed negatively by the Jagiellonian University. In turn, the WSP authoritiesclaimed that their school provided better training for future teachers. At the beginning of the 1950s, some reservations were voiced as to the grounds for the existence of higher teacher training schools due to overlaps with the university curriculum. In 1956, the state authorities decided to close some of these colleges. WSP was to be merged with the Jagiellonian University. A meeting was organized at the Jagiellonian University in April 1956, where representatives of the Ministry of Higher Education, the Jagiellonian University and WSP discussed the merger. However, the meeting didn’t yield the expected results due to the firm objection on the part of WSP. The opportunity to strengthen the Jagiellonian University’s position by merging with WSP was ultimately lost.


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