Political–Economic Determinants of External Import Protection under a Preferential Trade Agreement

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-26
Author(s):  
Patricia Tovar

Abstract The stalling of WTO multilateralism and the proliferation of preferential trade agreements in recent decades have drawn substantial attention to the impacts of preferential liberalization. A critical question is how they affect the trade barriers imposed against outsiders. I examine the relationship between preferential trade liberalization and protection against non-member countries by testing the predictions of a political–economy model based on the previous literature. Focusing on a specific model allows me to uncover the mechanisms via which preferential liberalization affects external import protection, whereas most of the existing literature has focused on establishing the sign of the effect only. Furthermore, I focus on not only tariffs, as most studies do, but also on the temporary trade barriers of antidumping and safeguards. I test the predictions for Latin America and obtain results that provide solid evidence supporting two mechanisms from the theory, which lead to lower protection against non-members of a preferential trade agreement. First, a lower preferential import protection level means that the increase in preferential imports from increasing the external tariff creates a smaller increase in tariff revenue. Second, as preferential import protection is cut, there is a decrease in the markup and sales of domestic firms, and thus raising the external import protection generates less profit. Moreover, this second effect is present when the political motivation of the government is sufficiently strong.

Author(s):  
Maria Garcia

Official relations between Chile and the European Union (formerly the European Communities) date back to 1967 when the two parties first opened diplomatic representations in Brussels and Santiago, respectively. As Chile transitioned to a democratic polity from 1990, the relationship deepened. Reflecting the EU’s support for democratization in Latin America, both parties formalized ties through the signing of a Cooperation Framework Agreement in 1991 and a Framework Agreement on Trade and Economic Cooperation in 1996. The latter set Chile and the EU on the path to eventually negotiating an Association Agreement, including a preferential trade agreement (PTA), between 1999 and 2002. The Association Agreement has been in force since 2003, and in 2017 Chile and the EU decided to launch negotiations to modernize the preferential trade agreement part of the Association. The bilateral relationship, and its study, have been defined by three key areas: (1) political relations, (2) cooperation relations, and (2) economic relations. The political and cooperation ties between the two parties have, in turn, been determined by two strands of EU external policies: (1) the EU’s overarching approach toward relations with Latin America, and (2) the evolution of the EU’s development policy. Economic relations, for their part, cover rising trade flows and increasing investment (especially EU foreign direct investment outflows and stocks in Chile). Chile’s attractiveness, despite its relatively small economy and population, derives from its specific political economy. Chile’s painful market reforms under the Pinochet regime set it on a path of greater economic openness than its neighbours. Democratic governments since 1990 have continued policies of trade liberalization, low tariffs, and active engagement in the creation of a dense network of global preferential trade agreements with Chile at its center as a gateway to Latin America. This has helped to diversify Chilean trade relations away from over-reliance on the EU or the United States, and has made Chile an attractive target for foreign investment. The trade agreement part of the Association Agreement ushered in deeper economic ties, and a body of scholarly analyses of the agreement and its impacts has slowly emerged. Relations with Chile have formed part of the EU’s broader strategy toward Latin America, rather than independent EU strategy. Initial steps toward an Association Agreement were within the context of negotiations for an Association Agreement between the EU and Mercosur (the Common Market of the South). Analysis of the EU–Chile relationship has, as a result, tended to be sparse and to be included as a subsection in studies of broader EU–Latin America relations, and especially EU–Mercosur relations. Nevertheless, the relationship represents a positive example of successful engagement with a relatively like-minded partner in a mature association, and demonstrates the extent of and possibilities for EU foreign policy engagement. Moreover, the relationship has served as a testing ground for new types of projects and collaborations and for mutual learning, such as the parties’ joint projects on increasing gender representation in politics, or the inclusion of gender clauses, for the first time in an EU preferential trade agreement, in the modernization of the EU–Chile agreement.


2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-287
Author(s):  
Amanda Eubanks Winkler

AbstractThis article analyses the complicated and conflicted critical response to Andrew Lloyd Webber’sThe Phantom of the Operawithin the political, economic and cultural context of the Thatcher/Reagan era. British critics writing for Conservative-leaning broadsheets and tabloids took nationalist pride in Lloyd Webber’s commercial success, while others on both sides of the Atlantic claimed thatPhantomwas tasteless and crassly commercial, a musical manifestation of a new Gilded Age. Broader issues regarding the relationship between the government and ‘elite’ culture also affected the critical response. For some,Phantomforged a path for a new kind of populist opera that could survive and thrive without government subsidy, while less sympathetic critics heardPhantom’s ‘puerile’ operatics as sophomoric jibes against an art form they esteemed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-204
Author(s):  
Endah Ayu Ningsih ◽  
Telisa Aulia Falianty ◽  
Fitri Tri Budiarti

AbstrakPenelitian ini mengevaluasi tingkat pemanfaatan Indonesia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJEPA) dan Indonesia-Pakistan Preferential Trade Agreement (IPPTA) dalam ekspor dan impor Indonesia ke Jepang dan Pakistan. Tingkat pemanfaatan FTA untuk ekspor menggunakan rasio nilai perdagangan yang termuat dalam Surat Keterangan Asal (SKA) terhadap nilai ekspor ke negara mitra. Sedangkan tingkat pemanfaatan impor menggunakan rasio nilai impor produk yang memenuhi syarat terhadap total impor Indonesia dari negara mitra. Studi ini menemukan bahwa pemanfaatan IJEPA (2012-2016) cenderung menurun. Pada tahun 2016 tingkat pemanfaatan ekspor sebesar 47,2%. Sementara pemanfaatan IPPTA untuk ekspor ke Pakistan mengalami peningkatan yang signifikan sejak diimplementasi tahun 2013 dengan tingkat pemanfaatan ekspor sebesar 72,0% pada tahun 2016. Di sisi impor pemanfaatan IJEPA mencapai 67,7% sementara IPPTA hanya 18,8% (2016). Pemanfaatan impor IJEPA dan IPPTA relatif stagnan, jumlah perusahaan yang menggunakan SKA IJEPA sudah pada level jenuh, sementara pengguna SKA IPPTA masih tumbuh 18,2% per tahun. Bentuk PTA lebih memberikan dampak positif bagi peningkatan ekspor Indonesia ke negara mitra dibandingkan FTA yang komprehensif. Kebijakan melakukan FTA dalam bentuk Economic Partnership perlu disertai dengan kerja sama yang menjamin peningkatan perdagangan yang seimbang antar negara anggota. AbstractThis study aims to address the utilization level of The Indonesia-Japan Economic Partnership Agreement (IJEPA) and Indonesia-Pakistan Preferential Trade Agreement (IPPTA). The level of FTA utilization for exports was measured by the ratio of trade value recorded in the Certificate of Origin (CoO) to Indonesia’s export value to the related country. While the level of utilization of imports was defined by the ratio of the import value of eligible products to Indonesia's total imports from the related country. The study found IJEPA’s utilization during 2012-2016 tended to decrease. In 2016, the level of utilization was about 47.2%. While IPPTA utilization for exports to Pakistan experienced a significant increase since it was implemented in 2013 with a rate of export utilization was 72.0% in 2016. On the import side, the level of utilization under IJEPA reached 67.7% while IPPTA was only 18.8% at the same period. In terms of the imports utilization level of both IJEPA and IPPTA, it was relatively stagnant, while the number of companies utilize IJEPA’s CoO was saturated. In contrast, IPPTA’s CoO users still grew at 18.2% per year. This study concluded PTA provides more positive impact on increasing Indonesia's exports to related countries than comprehensive FTAs. Thus, establishing an FTA in the form of an Economic Partnership needs to be followed with the cooperation that guarantees trade balance within the parties.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-141
Author(s):  
Osama Sami AL-Nsour

The concept of citizenship is one of the pillars upon which the modern civil state was built. The concept of citizenship can be considered as the basic guarantee for both the government and individuals to clarify the relationship between them, since under this right individuals can acquire and apply their rights freely and also based on this right the state can regulate how society members perform the duties imposed on them, which will contributes to the development of the state and society .The term citizenship has been used in a wider perspective, itimplies the nationality of the State where the citizen obtains his civil, political, economic, social, cultural and religious rights and is free to exercise these rights in accordance with the Constitution of the State and the laws governing thereof and without prejudice to the interest. In return, he has an obligation to perform duties vis-à-vis the state so that the state can give him his rights that have been agreed and contracted.This paper seeks to explore firstly, the modern connotation of citizenship where it is based on the idea of rights and duties. Thus the modern ideal of citizenship is based on the relationship between the individual and the state. The Islamic civilization was spanned over fourteen centuries and there were certain laws and regulations governing the relationship between the citizens and the state, this research will try to discover the main differences between the classical concept of citizenship and the modern one, also this research will show us the results of this change in this concept . The research concludes that the new concept of citizenship is correct one and the one that can fit to our contemporary life and the past concept was appropriate for their time but the changes in the world force us to apply and to rethink again about this concept.


2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel J. Ikenson ◽  
Simon Lester ◽  
Scott Lincicome ◽  
Daniel R. Pearson ◽  
K. William Watson

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document