scholarly journals The Participatory Implications of Racialized Policy Feedback

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Sergio Garcia-Rios ◽  
Nazita Lajevardi ◽  
Kassra A. R. Oskooii ◽  
Hannah L. Walker

How do involuntary interactions with authoritarian institutions shape political engagement? The policy feedback literature suggests that interactions with authoritarian policies undercut political participation. However, research in racial and ethnic politics offers reason to believe that these experiences may increase citizens’ engagement. Drawing on group attachment and discrimination research, we argue that mobilization is contingent on individuals’ political psychological state. Relative to their counterparts, individuals with a politicized group identity will display higher odds of political engagement when exposed to authoritarian institutions. To evaluate our theory, we draw on the 2016 Collaborative Multiracial Post-Election Study to examine the experiences of Blacks, Latinos, and Asian Americans. For all subgroups and different types of institutions, we find that, for those with a politicized group identity, institutional contact is associated with higher odds of participation. Our research modifies the classic policy feedback framework, which neglects group-based narratives in the calculus of collective action.

2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (43) ◽  
pp. 10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marta Cantijoch Cunill

Recent studies have shown that online participation is a multi-dimensional phenomenon that replicates and extends existing forms of political engagement. What is less clear is the mobilizing potential of these different types of activity and particularly whether they trigger offline participation. This paper addresses these questions in an analysis of citizens online and offline behaviour in the context of a UK General Election. Specifically we identify three different modes of online engagement in the campaign, profile the individuals most likely to engage in them, and examine whether they affected individuals’ likelihood of voting. Our findings show that while newer social media based ‘e-expressive’ activities are most likely to appeal to those individuals who are not already engaged in politics they do not necessarily increase the likelihood of voting. By contrast higher consumption of news and information online during an election does appear to significantly boost individuals’ chances of turning out to vote.


2017 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mia Costa ◽  
Brian F. Schaffner

Scholars argue that women’s presence in politics enhances symbolic representation, such as positive evaluations of one’s representative and increased political engagement. However, there is little empirical evidence of these symbolic benefits from descriptive representation. With data from the Cooperative Congressional Election Study panel survey, we examine how a change in the gender of a representative affects individuals’ perceptions of that representative and likelihood to contact them. In general, we find that women express more positive evaluations of female representatives than male representatives, yet they are also less likely to contact female representatives. By contrast, the effect of an elected official’s gender does not significantly affect how men evaluate or engage with that official. However, we also show that partisanship conditions these effects, perhaps due to the fact that gender stereotypes operate differently for Democrats than Republicans. For example, women rate female Republican legislators more positively than they do male Republican legislators, but neither women nor men rate Democratic legislators differently based on their gender. The findings provide strong evidence that gender matters when it comes to representation, but contrary to some conventional wisdom, female elected officials may actually enjoy some advantages in terms of their standing among constituents.


2008 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-10 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Ong ◽  
Melany Dela Cruz-Viesca ◽  
Don Nakanishi

The 2008 election was a milestone in the emergence of Asian Americans as a factor in American politics, with national television news networks openly discussing and analyzing California’s Asian American voters. Most mainstream analysis, however, had very little in-depth understanding of the population. This essay provides some insights into the absolute and relative size of the Asian American population, along with key demographic characteristics, their participation in electoral politics, some of the barriers the encounter, and future prospects. The brief is based on analyzing the most recently available data, the 2006 American Community Survey (ACS) and the 2006 November Current Population Survey (CPS). This analysis builds on a previous analytical brief which examined the emergence of Asian Americans as California politics’ new “sleeping giant,” a term that was applied to Hispanics in the 1980s and 1990s because of their rapid growing numbers.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1532673X2110632
Author(s):  
Mallory E. SoRelle

Public policies that promote personal responsibility while minimizing government responsibility are a key feature of modern American political economy. They can decrease Americans’ political participation on a given issue, with detrimental consequences for the wellbeing of economically insecure families. Can this pattern be overcome? I argue that attribution frames highlighting government’s role in and responsibility for policies may increase people’s propensity for political action on an issue, but only if the frame can increase the salience of their preexisting beliefs about government intervention. Drawing on the case of consumer financial protection, I administer an experiment to determine the effect of attribution framing on people’s willingness to act in support of a popular banking reform. I find that helping people draw parallels between an issue they feel responsibility for and one they accept government responsibility for can boost political engagement on behalf of the original policy.


2005 ◽  
Vol 99 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
TULIA G. FALLETI

Both advocates and critics of decentralization assume that decentralization invariably increases the power of subnational governments. However, a closer examination of the consequences of decentralization across countries reveals that the magnitude of such change can range from substantial to insignificant. In this article, I propose asequential theory of decentralizationthat has three main characteristics: (1) it defines decentralization as aprocess, (2) it takes into account theterritorial interestsof bargaining actors, and (3) it incorporatespolicy feedback effects. I argue that the sequencing of different types of decentralization (fiscal, administrative, and political) is a key determinant of the evolution of intergovernmental balance of power. I measure this evolution in the four largest Latin American countries and apply the theory to the two extreme cases (Colombia and Argentina). I show that, contrary to commonly held opinion, decentralization does not necessarily increase the power of governors and mayors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 49 (5) ◽  
pp. 538-552 ◽  
Author(s):  
Seungmin Lee ◽  
Nicholas D. Myers ◽  
Taiwoo Park ◽  
Christopher R. Hill ◽  
Deborah L. Feltz

Background. One way to motivate people to exercise is to create a motivating social context, such as group exercise, due to social comparison opportunities. However, typical group exercise is not always easy for those who have problems in scheduling or social physique anxiety. Software-generated partners (SGPs) could offer a solution because they have advantages over human partners. Aim. This exploratory study examined the psychological state of flow under Köhler paradigm over a 24-week exergame with different types of SGPs: Individual Control (IC), Always Superior Partner (AWS), and Not Always Superior Partner (NAS). Method. The experiment was a 3 (Type of the partner) × 3 (Time blocks) factorial design. Fifteen participants engaged in the experiment. A multivariate multiple regression with type of SGPs predicting flow state at the second and third block was conducted. Results. Participants with an NAS partner had significantly higher flow state, as compared to participants under IC, at both blocks. Participants with an AWS partner had approximately equal flow state, as compared to participants under IC, at both blocks. Conclusions. Possible reasons for flow perceptions with different types of SGPs over time were discussed in terms of programming SGPs and flow theory.


1986 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ray W. Cooksey ◽  
Peter Freebody ◽  
Graham R. Davidson

We present and implement a framework for studying teachers’ informal expectations in the context of reading education. The framework is called Social Judgment Theory (SJT) and it entails an idiographic analysis of various aspects of cues used to form policies and make judgments. Major attention focuses on the relative importance attached to each cue and the overall relationship between the pattern used by the teacher and the pattern that actually obtains in the reading ecology. Preliminary work is described that examines the expectation policies of novice teachers when considering potential achievements in vocabulary development and reading comprehension. A multivariate application of SJT revealed that the novice teachers studied held generally accurate expectation policies with respect to the ecology, but showed large individual differences in the importance they placed on various cues. Subsequent cluster analysis of the expectation policies revealed several different types of policy weighting schemes. We draw implications of the general application of SJT for the study of informal classroom policies, and we point to the next step—the provision of policy feedback to teachers for the purposes of heightening awareness and improving policy accuracy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Carvalho de Rezende

Consumers are increasingly practicing an alternative model of politics when they make food choices influenced by civic concerns. The new markets that emerge in this context carry specific modes of qualification that makes food products valuable not only for their intrinsic properties, but also for features associated with their production and distribution. This paper aims to describe the different modes of political qualification and consumer engagement that operate in food markets based on secondary data collected in papers, books, certification norms, and websites. Three distinct "political food markets" are identified: a) Fair Trade; b) sustainable agriculture; and c) vegetarian. Whilst the latter is based on a boycott of "bad" products, the other two focus on "good" alternatives. Different types of political engagement are associated to these markets, ranging from a delegation form in Fair Trade, empowered consumption in sustainable agriculture, to a lifestyle engagement regarding vegetarianism. Market devices such as certification play a major role in the growth of these markets, but also affect the type of engagement that is solicited from consumers.


2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Nguyen ◽  
Rosalie Corona ◽  
Matthew Peter DeCarlo ◽  
Anna Yaros ◽  
Anh Thuy Le ◽  
...  

We sought to characterize the help-seeking behavior of Asian Americans living in a Southeastern community in the U.S. by examining different types of services sought, help-seeking preferences, and how demographic characteristics and mental health problems (including domestic violence) predicted these behaviors. 610 Asian Americans (mean age = 39.43 years; 59.6% female; 75% immigrants) completed an anonymous, community survey that included measures of different types of help-seeking behaviors and preferences, mental health symptoms, and exposure to domestic violence. The two most-frequently help-seeking behaviors included seeking advice from friends, family members, or relatives (66.7%), and visiting a medical doctor (46.4%).  In logistic regression models, older age, sex, immigrant status and symptomatic depression predicted different types of help-seeking behaviors and preferences. Neither domestic violence experience or symptomatic anxiety significantly predicted help-seeking.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Shuman ◽  
Siwar Hasan-Aslih

The murder of George Floyd ignited one of the largest mass mobilizations in US history, including both non-violent and violent BlackLivesMatter protests in the summer of 2020. Many have since asked: did the violence within the largely non-violent movement help or hurt its goals? To answer this question, we used real-world data (ACLED, 2020) about the location of all BlackLivesMatter protests during the summer of 2020 to identify US counties that featured no protests, only nonviolent protests, or both nonviolent and violent protests. We then combined this data with survey data (N = 494, Study 1), data from the Congressional Cooperative Election Study (N = 43,924, Study 2A), and data from Project Implicit (N = 180,480, Study 2B), in order to examine how exposure (i.e. living in a county with) different types of protest affected both support for the key policy goals of the movement and prejudice towards Black Americans. We found that the 2020 BLM protests had no impact on prejudice among either liberals or conservatives. However, they were, even when violent, able to increase support for BlackLivesMatter’s key policy goals among conservatives living in relatively liberal areas. As such, this research suggests that violent, disruptive actions within a broader non-violent movement may affect those likely to be resistant to the movement. We connect these findings to the notion of disruptive action, which explains why these effects do not materialize in reducing prejudice, but in generating support for important policy goals of the movement.


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