Anxious and Active: Muslim Perception of Discrimination and Treatment and its Political Consequences in the Post-September 11, 2001 United States

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farida Jalalzai

AbstractUtilizing both quantitative and qualitative analysis, this article assesses discrimination and anxiety among Muslims in the post-September 11, 2001 United States. Substantial portions of Muslim-Americans are indeed anxious and report personal and group discrimination. However, this is guided by many factors including religious salience, age, education, political attentiveness, native born status, and years lived in the United States. Respondents who are more anxious and know victims of religious discrimination are also more active in politics. However, personal experiences with discrimination are unrelated to political participation. Overall, in spite of or perhaps because of anxiety over their present status, Muslim-Americans are highly functional in the political sphere. Many are now more active in politics than prior to September 11, 2001.

2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 170-200 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karam Dana ◽  
Bryan Wilcox-Archuleta ◽  
Matt Barreto

AbstractDespite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary, popular perceptions in the United States, especially among political elites, continue to believe that religious Muslims oppose American democratic traditions and values. While many studies find positive relationships between mosque attendance and civic participation among U.S. Muslims, an empirical and theoretical puzzle continues to exist. What is missing is research that examines the relationships between the multi-dimensional concept of religiosity and how this is associated with public opinion and attitudes towards the American political system among Muslim Americans. Using a unique national survey of Muslim Americans, we find a positive relationship between religious beliefs, behavior, and belonging and perceptions of compatibility with American democratic traditions. Quite simply, the most religious are the most likely to believe in political integration in the United States.


1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Gibson

I demonstrate that the intolerance of ordinary citizens matters for real politics even if strong linkages to policy outputs do not exist. In particular, the model I test posits that cultural intolerance constrains the liberty of individual citizens. Focusing on how people perceive political freedom, several hypotheses coupling tolerance and freedom are explored. Data from a national survey show that tolerance and freedom are connected. Those who do not feel free to express themselves politically are more likely to be intolerant of others, to have less heterogeneous peer groups and less tolerant spouses, and to live in less tolerant communities. Ultimately, the importance of mass political intolerance in the United States is that it establishes a culture of conformity that seems to constrain individual political liberty in many important ways.


Author(s):  
Edward E. Curtis

The place of Muslims in the United States is a bellwether for the nation’s purported embrace of liberal values such as freedom of speech and religion, equal justice under law, and equal opportunity. The main argument of the book is that dominant forms of American liberalism, which are invested in anti-Black racism and American empire, have prevented the political assimilation of Muslim Americans. Muslim Americans have sometimes resisted and more frequently accommodated American liberalism, but, in either case, they have never been afforded full citizenship.


2003 ◽  
Vol 2003 (1) ◽  
pp. 467-470
Author(s):  
Jonathan K. Waldron ◽  
Jeanne M. Grasso

ABSTRACT Everything has changed since the terrorist attacks against the United States on September 11, 2001. With more than 360 ports and 3,700 terminals handling passengers and cargo, the U.S. government quickly realized that the maritime industry was vulnerable and that the apparent gaping hole in our national security must be fixed. Numerous initiatives, including legislative, regulatory, and ad hoc actions, are being implemented to ensure the maritime industry is ready in case it is the “next target.” Concomitant with these efforts, come changes in existing standards and liabilities, including reduced rights and enhanced enforcement. This paper discusses the maritime-related implications of the emerging security regime in the United States post-September 11 including: (1) new and proposed legislation affecting vessel and facility owners and operators, (2) how increased security inspections may be used to enhance enforcement efforts, and (3) how the terrorist attacks have “raised the bar” with regard to owner and operator liability. Pollution preparedness and liability implications are also explored, including changes in liability and response actions resulting from a terrorist attack. Lastly, recommendations on appropriate preventive measures are provided.


Refuge ◽  
2002 ◽  
pp. 5-14 ◽  
Author(s):  
Howard Adelman

In the aftermath of the terror attack on the United States on 11 September 2001, widespread concerns were raised about security concerns related to access to Canada and the United States of refugee claimants. Many new changes were introduced after that event to improve the control mechanisms to reduce the threat of terrorism. In the overlap between refugee and security concerns, particularly with respect to the genuine fear of terrorism, this paper will examine the controls in place and introduced after 11 September 2001 to restrict the entry and retention of terrorists in association with the refugee determination process. This paper will attempt to assess whether the refugee determination process provides any significant opening for terrorists to enter Canada or the United States.


1995 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monroe Leigh

The failure of the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti had become notorious long before the time President Clinton decided to invade Haiti in order to restore President Aristide to office. The embargo had failed to unseat the junta and it had worked enormous hardship on the poor people of Haiti—so much so that thousands were willing to risk their lives on the high seas in makeshift vessels to seek asylum in the United States. This comment deals not with the legalities of the President’s action—which seem clear enough in view of the Security Council resolutions—but, rather, with the political consequences of the economic embargo in Haiti as well as elsewhere.


1996 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-132
Author(s):  
Anna L. Harvey

By the close of the first decade following ratification of constitutional female suffrage in the United States, it had become commonplace to read of female political leaders bemoaning the inefficacy of women's lobbying organizations, which despite their lobbying efforts did not engage in any electoral activity such as the mobilization of female voters (see, for example,NYT10 March 1928: 3;NYT31 March 1931: 22). That this should have been the case raises an interesting question: Why not? That is, given the likelihood that women's votes would have increased the efficacy of these lobbying efforts, why weren't the leaders of women's lobbying organizations, in particular those of the former suffrage machine, the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), pursuing those votes?


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