scholarly journals The Political Consequences of Outsider Labour Market Status in the United States: A Micro-level Study

2017 ◽  
Vol 52 (5) ◽  
pp. 1019-1042 ◽  
Author(s):  
Margarita Gelepithis ◽  
Anne-Marie Jeannet
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Market Status ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
Labour Market Status

The Political Consequences of Intolerance: Cultural Conformity and Political Freedom

1992 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 338-356 ◽  
Author(s):  
James L. Gibson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Survey ◽  
Peer Groups ◽  
The United States ◽  
Political Freedom ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Liberty ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Cultural Conformity ◽  
Ordinary Citizens

I demonstrate that the intolerance of ordinary citizens matters for real politics even if strong linkages to policy outputs do not exist. In particular, the model I test posits that cultural intolerance constrains the liberty of individual citizens. Focusing on how people perceive political freedom, several hypotheses coupling tolerance and freedom are explored. Data from a national survey show that tolerance and freedom are connected. Those who do not feel free to express themselves politically are more likely to be intolerant of others, to have less heterogeneous peer groups and less tolerant spouses, and to live in less tolerant communities. Ultimately, the importance of mass political intolerance in the United States is that it establishes a culture of conformity that seems to constrain individual political liberty in many important ways.

O'Connor's Sectoral Model of the United States Economy: Examining Some Political Consequences

1982 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 227-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carol Nackenoff
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Work Experience ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
The United States ◽  
Small Scale ◽  
Late Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
United States Economy ◽  
Growth And Change

During the past fifteen years, several economists, historians and sociologists have propounded a sectoral model of economic growth and change in the United States. According to this analysis, as large-scale, monopolistic enterprises began to emerge in the late nineteenth century, different investment considerations and labour market requirements were also evolving. A dual economy was beginning to be formed. The large-scale capital sector, and the small-scale capital sector each had its own economic environment of conduct. Each sector tended, too, to develop its own corresponding labour market, with monopoly sector or ‘core’ firms holding out certain economic advantages for employees: money, job security, benefits, and opportunities for advancement within the firm. Thus, the work experience in these two sectors increasingly diverged. Even if the large-scale capital sector did offer economic advantages, growth tended to be capital-intensive, and the growth of employment in this sector slowed down, and then stopped by the end of the Second World War. Employment shifted to trades and services, with lower wage rates, and, of course, to the public sector, which currently employs nearly a third of the American workforce.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Prison Labour: From Penal Welfarism to the Penal State

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anil Shah ◽  
Christoph Scherrer
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Racial Discrimination ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Market Conditions ◽  
Penal State

<p>The article traces the return of prison labour for commercial purposes in the United States. In the age of Fordism, work for commercial purposes was prohibited in prisons; the emphasis was on rehabilitation. This “penal welfarism” gave way to a “penal state” of extremely high incarceration rates and exploitative prison labour. While this shift mirrors the turn to neo-liberalism, it is also the result of specific labour market conditions and racial discrimination.</p>

The Political Consequences of Economic Embargoes

1995 ◽  
Vol 89 (1) ◽  
pp. 74-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Monroe Leigh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Security Council ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Poor People ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The U.S ◽  
High Seas

The failure of the U.S.-led embargo against Haiti had become notorious long before the time President Clinton decided to invade Haiti in order to restore President Aristide to office. The embargo had failed to unseat the junta and it had worked enormous hardship on the poor people of Haiti—so much so that thousands were willing to risk their lives on the high seas in makeshift vessels to seek asylum in the United States. This comment deals not with the legalities of the President’s action—which seem clear enough in view of the Security Council resolutions—but, rather, with the political consequences of the economic embargo in Haiti as well as elsewhere.

The Political Consequences of Suffrage Exclusion

1996 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 97-132
Author(s):  
Anna L. Harvey
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Leaders ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
League Of Women Voters ◽  
National League

By the close of the first decade following ratification of constitutional female suffrage in the United States, it had become commonplace to read of female political leaders bemoaning the inefficacy of women's lobbying organizations, which despite their lobbying efforts did not engage in any electoral activity such as the mobilization of female voters (see, for example,NYT10 March 1928: 3;NYT31 March 1931: 22). That this should have been the case raises an interesting question: Why not? That is, given the likelihood that women's votes would have increased the efficacy of these lobbying efforts, why weren't the leaders of women's lobbying organizations, in particular those of the former suffrage machine, the National League of Women Voters (NLWV), pursuing those votes?

Anxious and Active: Muslim Perception of Discrimination and Treatment and its Political Consequences in the Post-September 11, 2001 United States

2010 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-107 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farida Jalalzai
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
September 11 ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Discrimination ◽  
Muslim Americans ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Religious Salience ◽  
Personal Experiences ◽  
Post September 11

AbstractUtilizing both quantitative and qualitative analysis, this article assesses discrimination and anxiety among Muslims in the post-September 11, 2001 United States. Substantial portions of Muslim-Americans are indeed anxious and report personal and group discrimination. However, this is guided by many factors including religious salience, age, education, political attentiveness, native born status, and years lived in the United States. Respondents who are more anxious and know victims of religious discrimination are also more active in politics. However, personal experiences with discrimination are unrelated to political participation. Overall, in spite of or perhaps because of anxiety over their present status, Muslim-Americans are highly functional in the political sphere. Many are now more active in politics than prior to September 11, 2001.

The United States in the United Nations

1973 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chadwick F. Alger
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Nations ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
International Peace ◽  
Political Will ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
Peace And Security ◽  
The Usa ◽  
The United Nations

Reports on the United Nations by three United States groups, the Commission to Study the Organization of Peace, the President's Commission, and the United Nations Association of the USA, are summarized and compared. They reveal informed concern about United States participation in the UN at a time when Congress and the executive exhibit negativism and neglect. Conclusions are drawn on (1) differing priorities for the UN system and their interdependence, (2) the special capabilities of the United States for setting examples, (3) alternative models for UN problem solving, (4) United States contributions to the UN, and (5) generating political will for creative United States involvement in the UN. Concern is expressed about efforts to cut United States assessments for UN budgets and failure of the reports to adequately consider the political consequences of the fact that “maintenance of international peace and security” is not considered the most important UN task by all members. If congressional and executive neglect are to be overcome, public participation and involvement must be extended.

scholarly journals The impact of product and labour market deregulation

2015 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 35-37
Author(s):  
Armend Muja
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Economy ◽  
Labor Markets ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
The United States ◽  
Incremental Innovation ◽  
High Tech ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Media ◽  
The Impact

Economists have often talked about the European Paradox:” - Europe having the necessary knowledge and research but failing to utilize these advantages and bring them to the markets. The perception, largely attributable to the media reporting, is that Europe lags behind the United States in innovation. While it is true that most of the e-commerce innovations were developed in the United States, Europe’s economies did well over the 1990s despite the lack of major breakthroughs in high-tech sphere. Thus, it is hard to say that Europe is facing an innovation crisis, and I will argue that Europe has other advantages that make it competitive globally. While Europe might not have as much success in innovation as the United States, it nevertheless, has been successful in more developed and mature segments of the markets. Moreover, I will argue that country’s specialization depends on the setup of the institutions in the political economy. The countries utilize their comparative institutional advantage (CIA) to maintain competitive globally. Finally, I will argue against the idea of drastic deregulation of the product and labor markets in Europe. Doing so would be like shooting yourself in the foot since individual European countries would lose their comparative institutional advantage that allows them to stay competitive globally in the market for incremental innovation products.

Islamic Organizations in the United States

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jocelyne Cesari
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cultural Diversity ◽  
War On Terror ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Consequences ◽  
The Status ◽  
Islamic Organizations

The status and strategies of the Islamic organizations in the United States have been dramatically changed by 9/11. The ethnic, social, and cultural diversity of these organizations has been eclipsed by the perception of the “Muslim enemy” and therefore obliged past and new leaders to adjust to the political consequences of the War on Terror and the rise of Islamophobia.

scholarly journals Digital Media and the Surge of Political Outsiders: Explaining the Success of Political Challengers in the United States, Germany, and China

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 205630511987543 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andreas Jungherr ◽  
Ralph Schroeder ◽  
Sebastian Stier
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Digital Media ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Discourse ◽  
Social Institutions ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
Information Distribution ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Political Consequences

There has been a recent surge of political actors and groups challenging the legitimacy of established political institutions and mass media. We argue that this wave is no accident; rather, it is driven by digital media. Digital media allow outside challengers to route around social institutions that structure political discourse, such as parties and legacy media, which have previously held a monopoly on political coordination and information distribution. Digital media have weakened the power of these institutions, allowing outsiders to maintain extreme positions that formerly would have been filtered out or suppressed by institutions structuring political discourse. In this article, we explicate mechanisms linking digital media to the rise of outsiders by discussing the successes of a diverse set of challengers fighting for attention and representation in the different political contexts of the United States, Germany, and China. We thus provide a novel explanation that systematically accounts for the political consequences of digital media.

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