Armed groups and intra-state conflicts: the dawn of a new era?

2011 ◽  
Vol 93 (882) ◽  
pp. 287-310 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arnaud Blin

AbstractHave the various profound changes that have affected the world, and particularly its geostrategic dimensions, since the end of the Cold War radically altered the nature of conflicts? Twenty years after the collapse of the Soviet Union and ten years after the destruction of the twin towers in New York, there is an apparent degree of continuity in the resilience of former centres of unresolved conflicts and of armed groups involved in them. Nonetheless, whereas most armed conflicts can today be classified as ‘intra-state’, the general context has changed to the extent that reference is now made to the phenomenon of ‘new wars’. Increasingly inacceptable economic and political imbalances along with globalization, environmental damage and its consequences or the emergence of large-scale conflicts triggered by organized crime are some of the perils already affecting the nature of today's conflicts or potentially defining those of the future. As the period dominated by jihadist groups with a universalist vocation possibly draws to an end, the current trend seems to be towards a new generation of guerrilla fighters who stand to benefit, in particular, from the erosion of the nation-state and from geopolitical convulsions arising from the post-colonial legacy as the starting point for intensely zealous and violent long-term ventures. The impact of globalization could cause a flare-up of some existing conflicts that are currently limited in scope while the international community struggles to redefine other rules and to adapt them to the new dialectic of war and peace.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huiting Mao ◽  
Dolly Hall ◽  
Zhuyun Ye ◽  
Ying Zhou ◽  
Dirk Felton ◽  
...  

Abstract. The impact of large-scale circulation on urban gaseous elemental mercury (GEM) was investigated through analysis of 2008–2015 measurement data from an urban site in New York City (NYC), New York, USA. Distinct annual cycles were observed in 2009–2010 with mixing ratios in warm seasons (i.e. spring–summer) 10–20 ppqv (~ 10 %–25 %) higher than in cool seasons (i.e. fall–winter). This annual cycle was disrupted in 2011 by an anomalously strong influence of the North American trough in that warm season and was reproduced in 2014 with annual amplitude enhanced up to ~ 70 ppqv associated with a particularly strong Bermuda High. North American trough axis index (TAI) and intensity index (TII) were used to characterize the effect of the North American trough on NYC GEM especially in winter and summer. The intensity and position of the Bermuda High had a significant impact on GEM in warm seasons supported by a strong correlation (r reaching 0.96, p 


2014 ◽  
Vol 15 (3) ◽  
pp. 112-121 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Broady-Preston

Purpose – The purpose of this paper is to examine a range of issues and methods in relation to measuring the impact of volunteer labour on the design and delivery of all types of library services. With the increasing use of volunteers to deliver library and information services in all sectors, managers need to assess their effectiveness and evaluate the impact of their use in relation to operational service design and delivery, and on the development of the profession and professional practice as a whole. Presented here is an initial scoping study, outlining a range of issues, methods and challenges for more detailed future investigation. Design/methodology/approach – A number of methodological challenges and perspectives are identifiable. Contemporary libraries exhibit increasing similarities with Third Sector organisations, namely a complex stakeholder community, and increasing use of volunteers to supplement or replace services delivered by professional staff. Therefore, a starting point for the research is a systematic review and analysis of the methodologies developed by the Third Sector Research Centre, and those studies in the ESRC contemporary Developing Impact Evaluation strand. As a rich picture is required, both quantitative and qualitative approaches are necessary, with the overall study adopting a mixed methods approach. Findings – This paper reports the findings of the preliminary documentary analysis, literature review and scoping aspects of a large-scale study. Originality/value – Research undertaken to date (June 2014) has failed to identify any published systematic review and examination of these issues.


2013 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-100 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caecilia J. van Peski

Over the summer month of August 2008, Georgia launched a large-scale military offensive against South Ossetia in an attempt of reconquering the territory. Four years later, on October 1, 2012, Georgia is holding its first Parliamentary Elections after the conflict that caused so much harm. The Parliamentary Elections constitute the 7th legislative elections held since Georgia’s independence from the Soviet Union in 1991. It is however the first time for Georgia to elect an alternative party from the ruling party solely based on principle of democratic vote. The article examines the almost ten years of President Saakashvili’s Administration. During this decade, Saakashvili’s United National Movement government realized many positive works. Works like the successful reform of police forces and the determined force-back of corruption. These liberating works were all eagerly welcomed by Europe and other western nations. However, in the apparent loss of sense of reality towards the end of its reign, Georgia’s United National Movement government turned to dictating and ordering as a main style of governing. This in turn pushed citizens away from Saakashvili’s politics into voting for the opposition. Unforeseen by even the most experienced Southern Caucasus and Georgia experts, Georgia’s 2012 Parliamentary Elections gave way to the opposition coalition Georgian Dream to sweep to victory, leaving President Saakashvili to ceded defeat. Despite President Saakashvili’s statement that he would go into opposition there has not been a complete paradigm shift in Georgia’s domestic politics. With the Georgian Dream’s failure to gain a constitutional majority and questions over the ideological compatibility of the coalition – along with the fact that United National Movement still has the greatest representation in Parliament relative to the other parties, Saakashvili and his supporters keep hold to substantial political leverage. Also, Saakashvili will remain President until the October 2013 election. His opponent, Prime Minister Ivanishvili is expected to manifest himself, bringing in a less contentious, more pragmatic approach to relations with the country’s giant neighbour to the north. Overall, it can be said that Georgia’s unrivalled ballot-box transfer of power elevated the country to a category fundamentally higher in terms of democratic development than virtually all other post-Soviet states. This has been the more remarkable even since Georgia had been widely cited as an example case of a failed state, with a destroyed infrastructure and economy, dysfunctional state institutions and something approaching anarchy as its governance model. The impact of the ongoing reform of Georgia’s constitution and electoral law has lead to major shifts in Georgia’s political landscape. However, opinions vary as to whether the farsighted amendments made to the Georgian constitution on the initiative of the United National Movement are a genuine attempt to improve the country’s system of governance or that they rather are an effort by the incumbent president to cling on to power. The adoption of the amendments and the timing of their entry into force strongly suggest that the latter might be the case. Meanwhile, as a result of the changes to the Georgian constitution, a system of dual power has come in place. These and other factors suggest that Georgia’s political landscape is set to become more predictable. The article examines the degree to which this can be held true. In the streets of Tbilisi, hundred days into the reign of the new government, there is an air of optimism amongst the people. This holds especially true when it comes to youth. The hope is that the Georgian Dream becomes a Georgian reality. The disappointment otherwise might be shattering. In spring 2013, the new leadership offers new opportunities for Georgia. It can improve its democratic system and economic growth and establish a dialogue with Russia and the breakaway districts of Abkhazia and South Ossetia. This would alleviate the frozen conflict and tense security dilemma’ on the Administrative Boundary Lines. Yet, if the transition of power does not go well, there will be prolonged power struggles that could cripple the policy making and cast Georgia back to pre-Saakashvili times. The article addresses the overall question whether the smooth transfer of power Georgia achieved after October’s election sets a standard for democracy in the region depending on whether the new government can strengthen the independence and accountability of state institutions in what remains a fragile, even potentially explosive political climate. The victory of the Georgian Dream Coalition over the United National Movement has brought pluralism into Georgian policymaking. However this political pluralism also includes that awkward dual powers; Georgia’s good cop and bad cop.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 76
Author(s):  
Mihăiescu Oana

The preoccupation for the field of social security / identity security (a particular form of security of human communities in the absence of which it would not be possible to survive in history, protecting the memory and collective identity, maintaining social and cultural-symbolic cohesion in a society identity security has been steadily increasing over the last decades as a result of the European Union's enlargement and the interest shown by the European institutions for the protection of ethnic and religious specificities, the ethno-cultural identity of the communities and the prevention of democracy, exclusion and discrimination.The concept of social security belongs to the constructivist current (the current trend in which ethnicity is a phenomenon of continuous development built in everyday life that is manifested throughout life) and was developed in the early 1980s, starting with redefining security by certain such as COPRI - Copenhagen.Social security refers to the survival of a community as a cohesive unity; his referent object is large scale collective identities that can function independently of the state. Societal security is concerned with the ability to sustain, within acceptable acceptability conditions, the traditional elements of language, culture, identity, cultural and religious customs.Ole Waever's identity security (social security) refers to preserving, in acceptable conditions of evolution, the traditional patterns of language, culture, association, and national, religious and customary identity. Thus, we can say that social security refers to situations where companies perceive a threat to identity.Regarding the situation of Romania, though, during the two decades of transition to a democrathic regime, the responsibility of the Romanian citizen has come to be pursued with minority integration (wishing to ensure the identity security for them), adopting 200 dectrets by setting up institutions to deal in the areas of minority inclusion and allocating funding to support an organization that considers the role of the intrusional civil society to be more effective is still deficient in this area.The purpuse of this article is to explore the concepts of mionority, ethnicity, social integration, public minority integration policies, citizenship, integration and identity security, starting from the idea that identity should be understood both as a social process and as a power instrument.It will also review the impact of minority integration policies focusing on the Roma minority on identity security and outline the possible threats / opportunities for understanding and implementing the concept of identity security in public policies for minorities / Roma.


2006 ◽  
Vol 134 (11) ◽  
pp. 3479-3505 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Notaro ◽  
W-C. Wang ◽  
W. Gong

Abstract The relationship between the large-scale circulation and regional climate of the northeast United States is investigated for early winter using observational data and the State University of New York at Albany regional climate model. Simulated patterns of temperature, precipitation, and atmospheric circulation compare well with observations, despite a cold, dry bias. Ten December runs are analyzed to investigate the impact of the Pacific–North American (PNA) pattern on temperature, precipitation, clouds, and circulation features. During a positive PNA pattern, the simulated and observed eastern U.S. jet shifts to the southeast, coinciding with cold, dry conditions in the Northeast. This shift and intensification of the upper-level jet stream during a positive PNA pattern coincides with a greater frequency of cyclones and anticyclones along a distinct southwest–northeast track. Despite increased cyclone activity, total wintertime precipitation is below normal during a positive PNA pattern because of enhanced stability and subsidence over land, along with lower-atmospheric moisture content. Lower surface air temperatures during a positive PNA pattern result in enhanced simulated cloud cover over the Great Lakes and Atlantic Ocean due to increased thermal contrast and fluxes of sensible and latent heat, and a reduction in clouds over land. Interactions between the PNA and North Atlantic Oscillation (NAO) patterns impact the Northeast winter climate. Observed frontal passages through New York are most abundant during a negative PNA and positive NAO pattern, with a zonal upper-level jet positioned over New York. A positive PNA pattern is frequently characterized by an earlier observed Great Lakes ice season, while the greatest lake-effect snowfall occurs during a positive PNA and negative NAO pattern. The NAO pattern has the largest impact on northeast U.S. temperatures and the eastern U.S. upper-level jet during a positive PNA pattern.


Author(s):  
Susan Cannon Harris

This chapter examines the impact on modern drama of the establishment of the Soviet Union, through in-depth investigation of a special case: Bertolt Brecht’s transformation of J. M. Synge’s 1904 Riders to the Sea into a 1937 Spanish Civil War play called Señora Carrar’s Rifles. Synge and Ireland were not, for their own sakes, important to Brecht; he was drawn to Riders as a model which might help him solve the problem of how to radicalise the working-class mother. After the disastrous 1935 production of Brecht’s The Mother by the New York City-based Theatre Union, Brecht concluded that the technical demands of epic theater were beyond the capacity of these amateur ensembles. Synge’s unusual treatment of maternal grief in Riders helped Brecht envision a means of producing the effects of epic theater while using the techniques of realism. Helene Weigel’s performance as Teresa Carrar was crucial to his later thinking about acting and spectator emotion. Re-presenting Maurya’s refusal to grieve for Bartley in both Senora Carrar’s Rifles and Mother Courage helped Brecht refine his understanding of alienation in ways which made epic theater more pleasurable for spectators without requiring Brecht to acknowledge that pleasure as a desired effect.


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (18) ◽  
pp. 4859
Author(s):  
Cuiying Zhou ◽  
Xingxing Ge ◽  
Wei Huang ◽  
Dexian Li ◽  
Zhen Liu

Soil nutrients are the basis of ecological remediation. Soil amendments can form a reticular membrane structure on the soil surface to increase nutrient storage and alleviate nutrient imbalances, and are affected by the environmental temperature. At present, the qualitative evaluation of the effect of soil amendment is mainly based on vegetative growth. However, with the increasing use of soil amendments, how to conveniently and quantitatively evaluate the impact of soil amendments on ecological restoration under different temperature conditions from the perspective of soil urgently needs to be solved. Therefore, a new soil amendment named aqua-dispersing nano-binder (ADNB) and silty clay that is commonly used for ecological restoration in South China were used as research subjects, and the important soil nutrient storage capacity—soil conductivity index—was used as the starting point to find solutions to the above problems. We independently developed a multifunctional instrument to measure the soil amendment concentration. Clay conductivity measurements were used by adding different concentrations of ADNB within the range of 0 to 50 °C, and the mechanism by which temperature and ADNB affect the conductivity of clay was revealed. In addition, the quantitative relationship between the clay conductivity, ambient temperature and concentration of ADNB was elucidated. According to the growth conditions of melinis minutiflora and pigeon pea under different concentrations of ADNB, the optimal ADNB concentration needed to improve ecological restoration was obtained, which provided a new way to evaluate the effects of the large-scale use of soil modifiers on ecological restoration.


2014 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 382-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Witold Mucha

The Arab Spring took policymakers and academics by surprise. The starting point, the scope, nor the impact had been seen coming. This was primarily because of academics’ irrevocable belief in the stabilising power of authoritarian regimes. In light of this failing, the article will critically discuss the production of crisis knowledge on the basis of four major early warning tools. These are World Bank’s greed/grievance model, the predictive model by the Political Instability Task Force, the risk and capacity approach applied by the Failed States Index, and the International Crisis Group. The article will add to the debate in two ways. First, the analysis will show that prevention research can be biased in ways that crucially influence policymakers’ assessment of states at risk. Second, the article will argue in favour of a complementary perspective that includes the analysis of conflicts that do not erupt into large-scale violence against all odds (so-called ‘negative cases’).


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