International Organizations - Promoting Compliance: The Role of Dispute Settlement and Monitoring Mechanisms in ASEAN Instruments by Robert BECKMAN, Leonardo BERNARD, Hao Duy PHAN, TAN Hsien-Li, and Ranyta YUSRAN. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2016. xx + 306 pp. Softcover: £41.99; $59.99. doi:10.1017/CBO9781316534700 - ASEAN Law in the New Regional Economic Order: Global Trends and Shifting Paradigms edited by Pasha L. HSIEH and Bryan MERCURIO. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. xxiv + 426 pp. Hardcover: £107.90; $140.00. doi:10.1017/9781108563208 - Can ASEAN Take Human Rights Seriously? by Alison DUXBURY and TAN Hsien-Li. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2019. xxiv + 405 pp. Softcover: £38.53; $49.99. doi:10.1017/9781108566414

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 184-185
Author(s):  
Jack Wright NELSON
Author(s):  
Ilias Bantekas ◽  
Efthymios Papastavridis

This chapter examines the meaning of international legal personality and the range of actors that possess such personality, namely States, international organizations, individuals, multinational corporations, and several other non-State actors. Given the centrality of States, the criteria for statehood are analysed, and both traditional and contemporary criteria are discussed. Article 1 of the 1933 Montevideo Convention is used for assessment of whether an entity satisfies these criteria which include: permanent population, a defined territory, government, capacity to enter into foreign relations, and the relevance of human rights. Competing theories regarding the role of recognition by third States as an element of statehood are also considered. Equally, the rights and duties of non-State actors are analysed in terms of capacity conferred upon them under international law.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-104
Author(s):  
Frédéric Mégret

The overarching focus on the United Nations and its agents for human rights violations and abuses they may have committed, as well as the attention to troop contributing states and even ‘victims’, has broadly shifted attention away from the role of the host state in peace operation. This article seeks to unpack that omission and suggests that it is far more problematic than commonly thought, in particular because it tends to reproduce some of the problematic features of the political economy of peacekeeping that are the background of rights abuses in the first place. Instead, as part of a tradition of thinking of human rights in terms of sovereign protection, the article makes the case for taking much more seriously the role that the host state can and should have in order to address abuses by international organizations. It emphasises how international legal discourse has tended to ‘give up’ on the host state, but also how host states have themselves been problematically quiescent about violations occurring on their territory. This has forced victims to take the improbable route of seeking to hold the UN accountable directly, bereft of the sort of legal and political mediation which one would normally expect their sovereign to provide. The article contributes some thoughts as to why host states have not taken up their citizens’ cause more forcefully with the United Nations, including governmental weakness, a domestic culture of rights neglect, but also host state dependency on peace operations. The article then suggests some leads to rethink the role of the host state in such circumstances. It points out relevant avenues under international law as well as specifically under international human rights law, drawing on the literature developed to theorise the responsibilities of states in relation to private third-party non-state actors within their jurisdiction. It argues that there is no reason why the arguments developed with private actors, notably corporations, in mind could not be applied to public actors such as the UN. Finally, the article suggests some concrete ways in which the host state could more vigorously take up the cause of rights abuses against international organizations including by requiring the setting up of standing claims commissions or making more use of its consent to peace operations, as well as ways in which it could be forced to do so through domestic law recourses. The article concludes by suggesting that reinstating the host state within what should be its natural prerogatives will not only be a better way of dealing with UN abuses, but also more conducive to the goals of peacekeeping and state construction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 77-95
Author(s):  
Collins C. Ajibo

AbstractRegional courts have synthesized, articulated, and elucidated certain principles of law that influence the development of international investment law. The contributions of NAFTA Chapter 11 dispute settlement framework and European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), in particular, have been outstanding. For instance, NAFTA jurisprudence has guided investor-state dispute settlement (ISDS) tribunals through influential precedents. Similarly, the doctrine of proportionality and the margin of appreciation doctrine which emerged from the ECtHR jurisprudence have become embedded in international investment law. Indeed, given the unique contributions of regional courts and their rapid proliferation, it can be predicted that they will play even more significant roles in the future development of principles of international investment law. Arguably, such emergent principles should be subjected to a prior scrutiny and filtering by ISDS institutions as a precondition to full incorporation into international investment law to foster their legitimacy and credibility.


2014 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 464-504
Author(s):  
Eric De Brabandere

The functional underpinning of institutional immunity remains crucial today in order to guarantee the independent fulfilment by the organization of its mandate. Despite this relatively firmly established principle, domestic courts and tribunals have shown in recent cases that they are very critical of the idea of the absolute character of international organization immunity, not the least in relation to the right of access to court, guaranteed inter alia by Article 6 of the European Convention on Human Rights. Belgium is host to between 50 and 100 international organizations or liaison offices of international organizations, most of which are located in Brussels. For that reason, the number of potential disputes involving an international organization in Belgium is important. This paper gives an overview of the official Belgian policy in respect of international organization immunity, and analyses relevant Belgian case-law that considers the rationale behind the grant of privileges and immunities to international organizations. It then considers the source of an international organization’s immunity, the scope of that immunity, and the obligation to provide for alternative means of dispute settlement and the individual’s right of access to court.


Author(s):  
Noor Atika Shafinaz Binti Nazri

Humanitarian aid has become one of the human rights agenda in international world. In this case, there are various international organizations including non-governmental organizations (NGOs) involved. For Malaysia, the NGO is well regarded as one of the NGOs most active in providing humanitarian aid to Palestine. The organization has been using the platform of non-governmental organizations in providing humanitarian assistance to the Palestinian people. This study focuses Viva Palestina Malaysia, which is one of Malaysia NGOs active in Palestine. It will review the activities of the police and Viva Palestina Malaysia contribution towards the Palestinians. The study will indicate the role of non-governmental organizations in the fight for the truth, raise awareness of issues, provide assistance and conduct humanitarian activities in Palestine Bantuan kemanusiaan telah menjadi salah satu agenda hak asasi manusia dalam dunia antarabangsa. Terdapat pelbagai organisasi antarabangsa termasuk Organisasi Bukan Kerajaan (NGO) yang terlibat dalam hal ini. Bagi Malaysia, NGO itu dengan baik dianggap sebagai antara kumpulan organisasi bukan kerajaan yang paling aktif dalam menyediakan bantuan kemanusiaan ke Palestin. Organisasi ini telah menggunakan platform bukan kerajaan dalam menyalurkan bantuan kemanusiaan kepada rakyat Palestin. Kajian ini memfokuskan Viva Palestina Malaysia yang merupakan salah satu NGO dari Malaysia bergiat aktif di Palestin. Ia akan mengkaji aktiviti, polisi dan sumbangan Viva Palestina Malaysia terhadap Palestin. Kajian akan menunjukkan peranan organisasi bukan kerajaan dalam memperjuangkan kebenaran, meningkatkan isu kesedaran, menyediakan bantuan dan menjalankan aktiviti kemanusiaan di Palestin


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 1050-1058
Author(s):  
Abubakr Naser Ahmed Khlifa ◽  

Some countries and international organizations took advantage of the events that occurred in many Arab countries, or the so-called Arab Spring, to bring down the dictatorial regime, including what happened in the Libyan state, where the Libyan regime suppressed the popular uprising demanding change, and the transition to a democratic system establishes social justice and protects freedom and human rights. This gave the justification for these countries to intervene as a third party in the crisis, which complicated the crisis and made the events take a violent turn that ultimately led to the collapse of the state and the fall of Muammar Gaddafis regime, with the help of foreign countries for the uprising through international decisions that led to the military intervention. This resulted in a civil war raging between the Libyan parties with external funding, and the inability of the internationally recognized government to play its role within the borders of the Libyan state. We seek here to find out the role that these parties played in the Libyan state and its impact on the course of events and the existing conflict.


Author(s):  
Meier Benjamin Mason ◽  
Cinà Margherita Marianna ◽  
Gostin Lawrence O

This chapter addresses the international organizations that have accepted human rights obligations as a way of framing their global health policies, programs, and practices. International organizations within the United Nations (UN) system are engaged in implementing human rights—in both the mission they carry out and the way in which they carry out that mission. The UN has called on all programs, funds, and specialized agencies to mainstream human rights across their efforts, and various agencies have taken up this call to advance human rights for public health – beginning with the evolving role of the World Health Organization and expanding to encompass a sweeping set of international organizations that address health determinants. While there remain obstacles to the systematic operationalization of human rights across the global health governance landscape, international organizations are seeking to integrate their efforts to mainstream human rights in global health.


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