Climate Policy White House sets national emissions reduction targets in advance of global talks

2015 ◽  
Vol 93 (14) ◽  
pp. 9
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 1427-1438 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Louise Jeffery ◽  
Johannes Gütschow ◽  
Robert Gieseke ◽  
Ronja Gebel

Abstract. All Annex I Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are required to report domestic emissions on an annual basis in a “Common Reporting Format” (CRF). In 2015, the CRF data reporting was updated to follow the more recent 2006 guidelines from the IPCC and the structure of the reporting tables was modified accordingly. However, the hierarchical categorisation of data in the IPCC 2006 guidelines is not readily extracted from the reporting tables. In this paper, we present the PRIMAP-crf data as a re-constructed hierarchical dataset according to the IPCC 2006 guidelines. Furthermore, the data are organised in a series of tables containing all available countries and years for each individual gas and category reported. It is therefore readily usable for climate policy assessment, such as the quantification of emissions reduction targets. In addition to single gases, the Kyoto basket of greenhouse gases (CO2, N2O, CH4, HFCs, PFCs, SF6, and NF3) is provided according to multiple global warming potentials. The dataset was produced using the PRIMAP emissions module. Key processing steps include extracting data from submitted CRF Excel spreadsheets, mapping CRF categories to IPCC 2006 categories, constructing missing categories from available data, and aggregating single gases to gas baskets. Finally, we describe key aspects of the data with relevance for climate policy: the contribution of NF3 to national totals, changes in data reported over subsequent years, and issues or difficulties encountered when processing currently available data. The processed data are available under an Open Data CC BY 4.0 license, and are available at https://doi.org/10.5880/pik.2018.001.


Author(s):  
Nathan Richardson

The Clean Air Act has proven to be one of the most successful and durable statutes in American law. After the Supreme Court’s 2008 decision in Massachusetts v. EPA, there was great hope that the Act could be brought to bear on climate change, the most pressing current environmental challenge of our time. Massachusetts was fêted as the most important environmental case ever decided, and, upon it, the Environmental Protection Agency under President Obama built a sweeping program of greenhouse gas regulations, aimed first at emissions from road vehicles, and later at fossil fuel power plants. It was the most ambitious federal climate policy in American history. Now, twelve years after Massachusetts was decided, that program is in ruins, largely repealed or weakened by the climate-skeptic Trump administration. Massachusetts has not provided a foundation for durable climate policy. The roots of the Clean Air Act’s climate policy failures lie not just in changes in political leadership, but also in a Supreme Court majority increasingly skeptical of not just climate regulation but of the administrative state in general. This and other barriers will persist regardless of who occupies the White House. This article explores why climate regulation under the Clean Air Act has been so much more fragile than other regulations under the statute, which actors bear responsibility for its failures, and what prospects remain for future federal climate policy.


Subject Alberta's climate policy. Significance Alberta's recently announced climate policy marks a sharp reversal of the regulatory environment, after years of energy-friendly provincial governments in Edmonton. Alberta Premier Rachel Notley's emissions reduction plan signals a robust policy shift for the province, with sectoral, national and international knock-on effects. Impacts Albertan energy producers will seek to exchange their support of the climate plan for government support of midstream projects. The Alberta government may forgo a significant increase in oil and gas royalty rates to retain investment in the oil sands. Alberta's health services may see job-loss-related strains, such as increased rates of mental health problems, suicide and substance abuse.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 516-532 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hitomi Roppongi ◽  
Aki Suwa ◽  
Jose A. Puppim De Oliveira

2016 ◽  
Vol 53 (6) ◽  
pp. 12-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. Klavs ◽  
J. Rekis

Abstract The present research is aimed at contributing to the Latvian national climate policy development by projecting total GHG emissions up to 2030, by evaluating the GHG emission reduction path in the non-ETS sector at different targets set for emissions reduction and by evaluating the obtained results within the context of the obligations defined by the EU 2030 policy framework for climate and energy. The method used in the research was bottom-up, linear programming optimisation model MARKAL code adapted as the MARKAL-Latvia model with improvements for perfecting the integrated assessment of climate policy. The modelling results in the baseline scenario, reflecting national economic development forecasts and comprising the existing GHG emissions reduction policies and measures, show that in 2030 emissions will increase by 19.1 % compared to 2005. GHG emissions stabilisation and reduction in 2030, compared to 2005, were researched in respective alternative scenarios. Detailed modelling and analysis of the Latvian situation according to the scenario of non-ETS sector GHG emissions stabilisation and reduction in 2030 compared to 2005 have revealed that to implement a cost effective strategy of GHG emissions reduction first of all a policy should be developed that ensures effective absorption of the available energy efficiency potential in all consumer sectors. The next group of emissions reduction measures includes all non-ETS sectors (industry, services, agriculture, transport, and waste management).


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. Louise Jeffery ◽  
Johannes Guetschow ◽  
Robert Gieseke ◽  
Ronja Gebel

Abstract. All Annex I Parties to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) are required to report domestic emissions on an annual basis in a 'Common Reporting Format' (CRF). In 2015, the CRF data reporting was updated to follow the more recent 2006 guidelines from the IPCC and the structure of the reporting tables was modified accordingly. However, the hierarchical categorisation of data in the IPCC 2006 guidelines is not readily extracted from the reporting tables. In this paper, we present the PRIMAP-crf data as a re-constructed hierarchical dataset according to the IPCC 2006 guidelines. Furthermore, the data is organised in a series of tables containing all available countries and years for each GHG individual gas and category reported. It is therefore readily usable for climate policy assessment, such as the quantification of emissions reduction targets. In addition to single gases, the Kyoto basket of greenhouse gases (CO2, N2O, CH4, HFCs, PFCs, SF6, and NF3) is provided according to multiple global warming potentials. The dataset was produced using the PRIMAP emissions module. Key processing steps include; extracting data from submitted CRF Excel spreadsheets, mapping CRF categories to IPCC 2006 categories, constructing missing categories from available data, and aggregating single gases to gas baskets. Finally, we describe key aspects of the data with relevance for climate policy; the contribution of NF₃ to national totals, changes in data reported over subsequent years, and issues or difficulties encountered when processing currently available data. The processed data is available under an Open Data CC BY 4.0 license, and available at doi:10.5880/pik.2018.001.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nathan Richardson

The Clean Air Act has proven over nearly fifty years to be one of the most successful and durable statutes in American law. After the Supreme Court’s 2008 decision in Massachusetts v. EPA, there was great hope that it could be brought to bear on climate change, the most pressing current environmental challenge of our time. Massachusetts was fêted as the most important environmental case ever decided, and upon it the EPA under President Obama built a sweeping program of greenhouse gas regulations, aimed first at emissions from road vehicles, and later at fossil fuel power plants. It was the most ambitious federal climate policy in American history. Now, twelve years after Massachusetts was decided, that program is in ruins, largely repealed or weakened by the climate-skeptic Trump administration. Massachusetts has not provided a foundation for durable climate policy. The roots of Clean Air Act climate policy’s failures lie not just in changes in political leadership, but with a majority on the Supreme Court increasingly skeptical of not just climate regulation specifically, but of the administrative state in general. This and other barriers will persist regardless of who is in the White House. This article explores why climate regulation under the Clean Air Act has been so much more fragile than other regulations under the statute, who bears responsibility for its failures, and what prospects remain for future federal climate policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document