Ad hoc committee on international relations

1986 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dick Bloom ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven L. Lamy

Cooperative learning is a means of providing opportunities for students to work together in an effort to accomplish an assigned intellectual task. There are different types of cooperative learning. In formal settings, students may stay in a learning group for several sessions in order to achieve a specific task. More informal cooperative learning situations usually are temporary or ad hoc groups that are formed by professors to facilitate some form of discussion and learning. In a cooperative learning class, it is important to clearly explain the pedagogical purposes and the required procedures of the course. Instructors should explain how an active learning course works and the responsibilities students have in this kind of course. An effective cooperative learning course demands the instructor’s active participation, as they must monitor the groups, answer research questions, and generally guide the direction of the course discussions. Though there are disadvantages and criticisms against cooperative learning, the study of international relations in particular can benefit from this method. The study of international relations is defined by problems and challenges that are interdisciplinary. Students thus need to be prepared for research and problem-solving in a variety of issue areas. Cooperative learning techniques that provide for the sharing of expertise and research findings with peers provide students with skills that are critical for success in the world today.


Author(s):  
Catherine Goetze ◽  
Dejan Guzina

Since the early 1990s, the number of statebuilding projects has multiplied, often ending several years or even decades of violent conflict. The objectives of these missions have been formulated ad hoc, driven by the geopolitical contexts in which the mandates of statebuilding missions were established. However, after initial success in establishing a sense of physical security, the empirical evidence shows that most statebuilding efforts have failed, or achieved only moderate success. In some countries, violence has resumed after the initial end of hostilities. In others, the best results were authoritarian regimes based on fragile stalemates between warring parties. A review of the literature on statebuilding indicates a vast number of theories and approaches that often collide with each other, claim the exact opposite, and mount (contradictory) evidence in support of their mutually exclusive claims. Still they are united by their inquiry into the general structural and policy-making conditions that nurture or impede statebuilding processes. A problematic characteristic of the statebuilding literature is a lack of dialogue across the various disciplines. Many of the claims in the international relations literature on external statebuilding are a mirror image of the previous ones made on democratization. Another problem is the propensity to repeat the same mistakes of the previous generations.


1981 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 237-244
Author(s):  
Catherine Hoskyns ◽  
Roger Tooze

It is comparatively rare for academics to get together to discuss problems connected with teaching. A lively discussion however developed out of an ad hoc meeting at the 1978 BISA conference on the teaching of courses which could be loosely subsumed under the title of ‘International Organization’ (IO). The discussion made clear that this area of International Relations teaching is in a state of flux, and that considerable uncertainty exists both about what to teach and how to teach it. Many ideas and suggestions emerged at the meeting and the exchange of views was clearly useful.


1997 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
David P. Forsythe

This article addresses international criminal courts in the 1990s, against the background of a growth in third-party adjudication in international relations as a whole. Given lack of knowledge about the final evolution of three courts reviewed, the author is cautious in assessing whether the condition of international relations allows for successful criminal courts that achieve more good than bad. The UN ad hoc court for former Yugoslavia faced difficult obstacles during 1993–1996. The author believes Western parties were correct in not pressing for trials of certain political leaders, although the context could change. He is sceptical that the UN ad hoc court for Rwanda can break the cycle of ethnic violence in the Great Lakes region of Africa. He does not believe major military powers will actively support a UN standing criminal court, even should the General Assembly vote it into being. In conclusion, the author believes that States will continue to make inconsistent choices about what human rights policies, including support for criminal courts, should be pursued in different contexts. International relations, or even the community of liberal democracies, is not yet characterised by a situation in which systematic concern for individual responsibility under the rule of law trumps other policy considerations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 185-223
Author(s):  
Andrzej A. Zięba

Between Russia and Czechoslovakia: Lemko Rus’ Struggle for Political Independence in the Years 1918-1921 and International PoliticsThe events in Lemko Rus had, in the years 1918-1921, a subjective and political character, and were the result of Lemkos’ own initiatives and activities, and not just external influences. They proved to be the national maturation of the Lemko community. However, it cannot be said that the newly created Lemko councils aimed at or constituted their own Lemko state with the headquarters in the village of Florynka. It becomes clear after analysing the chronology of Lemko political postulates in the context of events in the regional and global plane. None of the subsequent stages of the process of specifying their nationality by the Lemkos was connected with the idea of a separate Lemko statehood. Formally speaking, i.e., from the perspective of law and international relations, the Lemko region first wanted to belong to the Russian state, then to Czechoslovakia, always strongly rejecting the notion of being part of the resurgent Poland and the then-created Ukraine. Czechoslovakia was not an alternative to Russia for Lemko politicians, but only a tactical necessity against the momentary, as it was believed, impossibility to implement the original Russian option. It was a case created by a coincidence of ad-hoc circumstances. Be the Lemkos’ own country in the national sense, that is, they met both the political and cultural criteria of belonging there, which were important to their community. The Czechoslovak option somehow forced, or rather made possible the second option – striving to create a local state with a wider formula than just the Lemko region, connecting all Rusyns living in Austria-Hungary, that is also those from Eastern Galicia, Bukovina and Hungary. Such a Carpatho-Ruthenian republic was supposed to be a substitute, necessary for formal reasons, as an autonomous element in the federal structure of the Czechoslovak state, and for political reasons, as a safeguard for the national aspirations of the such a Carpatho-Rusyn and a guarantee of their future unification with democratic Russia. While Russia, both tsarist and liberal, guided by its national doctrine, was willing to unconditionally include all Austro-Hungarian Ruthenians in its borders, including also westernmost Lemkos, Czechoslovak leaders wanted to bite only as much as they could chew economically and politically, i.e. – include only regions rich in cities or natural deposits. The poor and non-urbanized Lemko region was treated only as a convenient item in their subversive game of borders with Poland.


2001 ◽  
Vol 95 (4) ◽  
pp. 1029-1030
Author(s):  
Brad R. Roth

The past decade has been marked by an increase in scholarly efforts to bridge the gap between the study of international relations as undertaken by political scientists and the study of international law as undertaken by legal scholars. During the Cold War, when international norms seemed distinctly secondary to ad hoc cost-benefit calculations as influences on state behavior, political scientists largely dismissed international law as rank idealism. International cooperation has palpably broadened and deepened in the current era, and political scientists have started to take a second look.


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