scholarly journals Między Rosją a Czechosłowacją: Ruś łemkowska w polityce międzynarodowej w dobie starań o podmiotowość polityczną, 1918-1921

2019 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 185-223
Author(s):  
Andrzej A. Zięba
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Ad Hoc ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Autonomous Element ◽  
Russian State ◽  
Russian Option ◽  
The Village ◽  
Political Character

Between Russia and Czechoslovakia: Lemko Rus’ Struggle for Political Independence in the Years 1918-1921 and International PoliticsThe events in Lemko Rus had, in the years 1918-1921, a subjective and political character, and were the result of Lemkos’ own initiatives and activities, and not just external influences. They proved to be the national maturation of the Lemko community. However, it cannot be said that the newly created Lemko councils aimed at or constituted their own Lemko state with the headquarters in the village of Florynka. It becomes clear after analysing the chronology of Lemko political postulates in the context of events in the regional and global plane. None of the subsequent stages of the process of specifying their nationality by the Lemkos was connected with the idea of a separate Lemko statehood. Formally speaking, i.e., from the perspective of law and international relations, the Lemko region first wanted to belong to the Russian state, then to Czechoslovakia, always strongly rejecting the notion of being part of the resurgent Poland and the then-created Ukraine. Czechoslovakia was not an alternative to Russia for Lemko politicians, but only a tactical necessity against the momentary, as it was believed, impossibility to implement the original Russian option. It was a case created by a coincidence of ad-hoc circumstances. Be the Lemkos’ own country in the national sense, that is, they met both the political and cultural criteria of belonging there, which were important to their community. The Czechoslovak option somehow forced, or rather made possible the second option – striving to create a local state with a wider formula than just the Lemko region, connecting all Rusyns living in Austria-Hungary, that is also those from Eastern Galicia, Bukovina and Hungary. Such a Carpatho-Ruthenian republic was supposed to be a substitute, necessary for formal reasons, as an autonomous element in the federal structure of the Czechoslovak state, and for political reasons, as a safeguard for the national aspirations of the such a Carpatho-Rusyn and a guarantee of their future unification with democratic Russia. While Russia, both tsarist and liberal, guided by its national doctrine, was willing to unconditionally include all Austro-Hungarian Ruthenians in its borders, including also westernmost Lemkos, Czechoslovak leaders wanted to bite only as much as they could chew economically and politically, i.e. – include only regions rich in cities or natural deposits. The poor and non-urbanized Lemko region was treated only as a convenient item in their subversive game of borders with Poland.

scholarly journals To Defeat Him by Quoting Lenin and Facts: Practices of the Political Cult in Discussions of the 1920s

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Timofey Rakov
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Party Politics ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Position ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Party Organisation ◽  
Party Members ◽  
Middle Strata ◽  
The Village ◽  
And Task

This article analyses practices related to the cult of Lenin in the confines of the Leningrad party organisation of the RCP(b) and its influence on innerparty discussions and political disagreements. The author aims to examine how appeal to the cult and Leninism helped shape the position of the Leningrad Bolsheviks led by G. E. Zinoviev. To achieve this goal, the author refers to a variety of sources, i. e. the works of the leaders of the Leningrad party organisation, such pamphlets by G. I. Safarov and G. E. Evdokimov, minutes of district party conferences, etc. The sources listed above suggest that the terms “testament,” “heritage,” and “task” used in party discourse symbolise a set of actions and principles, following and being faithful to which allowed party members to comply with the correct political line. For representatives of the Leningrad opposition, this meant relying on the poor and middle strata of the village. The category of practice mentioned in the title of this article means that attention was paid not so much to the function of quotations or clichéd phrases but rather to what party groups implied when quoting Lenin’s statements. The term “cult”, which historiography usually employs to describe the veneration of V. I. Lenin as the leader of the party, does not reflect the entirety of this process or take into account its productive component, namely, the fact that, because of its heterogeneity, Leninism allowed members of the Communist Party to pay attention to diverse aspects of Lenin’s heritage. In the course of the polemic surrounding issues facing the party (politics in the countryside, the possibility of building socialism in a single country, etc.), the Leningrad Bolsheviks turned to Leninism as a range of ideas legitimising their political position and as a tool for identifying the Bolsheviks who, in contrast to the Leningraders, “deviated” from the correct political line.

Brazilian Historiography in the 19th Century

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thiago Lima Nicodemo ◽  
Pedro Afonso Cristovão dos Santos ◽  
Mateus Henrique de Faria Pereira
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
19Th Century ◽  
Historical Narrative ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Personal Archives ◽  
In The Beginning ◽  
Public Archives ◽  
The 19Th Century

Brazilian historiography in the 19th century stands for a variety of practices and ways of doing history. In the beginning of the century, the writing of history assumed a specific color after the arrival of the Portuguese Court in 1808, who were escaping the invasion of Portugal by Napoleonic troops. After political independence from Portugal (1822), this writing had to deal with the questions that occupied the minds of its authors, people mostly close to or part of the political elite of the country. Forging a nationality through history, dealing with the tensions between local affiliations and the nation-state, placing indigenous and African peoples in the historical narrative, combining an exemplary history with future-oriented thinking, and using history for international relations issues (such as boundaries disputes) were among the motivations and preoccupations involved in that work. Underlying it all, the myriad ways of writing history in the 19th century had to do with the ways the authors circulated among a world of public archives in the making, personal archives available through certain connections, booksellers, publishers, oral informants, and a changing community of readers and critics that were conforming and disputing rules of acceptability as to what could be considered a work of history. Thinking about the Brazilian historiography of the 1800s as a way of combining practices of archiving, reading, copying, writing, and evaluating can help us understand the remarkable variety of histories and historiographical works written in the period.

scholarly journals PARTISIPASI POLITIK MASYARAKAT MISKIN KOTA DALAM PEMILIHAN PRESIDEN DAN WAKIL PRESIDEN 2014 DI KOTA MAKASSAR

2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Andi Nur Amaliah ◽  
Muhajirah Hasanuddin ◽  
Alimuddin Said
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
Quantitative Research ◽  
Participation Rate ◽  
Vice President ◽  
The Political ◽  
Purposive Sampling ◽  
The Poor ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Village

This research for knowing the political participation of the urban poor and the factors that affect the political participation of the urban poor in the election of President and Vice President in 2014 in the Village Mangasa Subdistrict Tamalate Makassar. The kind of research is descriptive quantitative research by explaining the political participation of the urban poor, the sample of 30 people in the poor communities selected by purposive sampling. The results showed a participation rate of urban poor in the election of president and vice president in 2014 in the Village Mangasa Tamalate District Makassar. The form of political participation of the poor consists of electoral activities, the lobby, the organization's activities, find connections and acts of violence, political participation Reasons divided on the influence of community groups, availability of facilities, and low motivation. Typology of political participation consists of poor and semi apathetic apathy. As well as political communication is divided into function information and education functions. The political participation of the urban poor is also strongly influenced by factors supporting consisting of Consciousness or the will and the influence of the government, as well as inhibiting factors are factors Environmental and Economic factors. Tujuan penelitian ini untuk mengetahui partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dalam pemilihan Presiden dan Wakil Presiden 2014 di Kelurahan Mangasa Kecamatan Tamalate Kota Makassar. Jenis penelitian adalah deskriptif kuantitatif dengan menggunakan sampelnya sebanyak 30 orang masyarakat miskin yang di pilih secara Purposive Sampling. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan tingkat partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota dalam pemilihan presiden dan wakil presiden 2014 di Kelurahan Mangasa Kecamatan Tamalate Kota Makassar. Adapun bentuk partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin terdiri dari kegiatan pemilihan, lobby, kegiatan organisasi, mencari koneksi dan tindakan kekerasan, Alasan partisipasi politik terbagi atas pengaruh kelompok masyarakat, ketersediaan sarana, dan rendahnya motivasi. Tipologi partisipasi politik terdiri dari masyarakat miskin apatis dan semi apatis. Serta komunikasi politik terbagi atas fungsi informasi dan fungsi pendidikan. Partisipasi politik masyarakat miskin kota juga sangat dipengaruhi oleh faktor pendukung yang terdiri dari Kesadaran atau kemauan dan pengaruh pemerintah, serta faktor penghambat yaitu faktor Lingkungan dan faktor Ekonomi.

scholarly journals China Factor in the Sudan Crisis: A Politico-Economic Perspective

2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 320-330
Author(s):  
Assad Mehmood ◽  
Nazim Rahim ◽  
Musab Yousafi
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Central Government ◽  
National Government ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Perspective ◽  
Specific Context ◽  
Independence Principle ◽  
Research Article ◽  
Economic Engagement ◽  
Political Character

China has recognized a more far-reaching factor in Sudan for the last two decades and so, during that it has developed into a blend of lasting ferocious inner volatility and prolonged outward misfortune that has described the political affairs of the central government since 1989. China factor among two inter-linked politico-economic trajectories of Sino-Sudan engagements is studied in this research article. The foremost concerns China’s relationships with Sudan’s national government in integrating China into its national political affairs and international relations over long established crisis in Darfur region of Sudan, to which China has reacted over a more affianced political character. The other provokes the practical precincts of China’s independence principle and limited dependence over dealings with the Sudan’s national government. Following the uncertain events since 2003 in Darfur, China has established a new relationship with Sudan, thus pursuing to place herself to circumnavigate Sudan’s crisis. This research article effort to review a specific context of China factor in Sudan crisis with more focus over the recent politico-economic engagement with Sudan.

The Use and Misuse of Religious Language: Zionism and the Palestinians

2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 73-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Wetherell
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Figurative Language ◽  
Religious Language ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Scientist ◽  
Late 19Th Century ◽  
The Bible ◽  
Title Deed ◽  
History Of ◽  
Land Question

Every discipline which deals with the land question in Canaan-Palestine-Israel is afflicted by the problem of specialisation. The political scientist and historian usually discuss the issue of land in Israel purely in terms of interethnic and international relations, biblical scholars concentrate on the historical and archaeological question with virtually no reference to ethics, and scholars of human rights usually evade the question of God. What follows is an attempt, through theology and political history, to understand the history of the Israel-Palestine land question in a way which respects the complexity of the question. From a scrutiny of the language used in the Bible to the development of political Zionism from the late 19th century it is possible to see the way in which a secular movement mobilised the figurative language of religion into a literal ‘title deed’ to the land of Palestine signed by God.

“Ukrainian question” in the memoirs of the officials of the Ukrainian State of Hetman P. Skoropadskyi

2018 ◽  
pp. 173-189
Author(s):  
Elena Borisenok
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Russian State ◽  
The Future

The article focuses on the analysis of the memoirs of the political and military officials that served Hetman P. Skoropadskyi. Their positions toward “Ukrainian question”, Hetman regime, views on the future of the Russian state etc. are studied.

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