Political interest, political information search, and socio-political ideology: A tale of three theories.

1983 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim Sidanius ◽  
Bo Ekehammar ◽  
Jeffrey Lukowsky
2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 2463-2482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffael Heiss ◽  
Jörg Matthes

Existing research indicates that incidental exposure to political information on social media may function as an equalizer, stimulating political engagement among the politically detached. In this article, we challenge this notion and propose that there are good reasons to assume that incidental exposure may reinforce existing gaps. We test the equalizing against the reinforcing hypothesis using data from a two-wave panel study ( N = 559). We find a positive main effect of incidental exposure on low-effort digital participation. However, this effect was not conditional on political interest, as the equalizing assumption would have suggested. More interestingly, we found that the effect of incidental exposure on high-effort digital participation was conditional on political interest. However, against the assumption of equalization, individuals with low levels of political interest were negatively affected by incidental exposure, thus lending support for the reinforcement hypothesis. Possible reasons for these findings are discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 39 (3) ◽  
pp. 651-673 ◽  
Author(s):  
Douglas R. Pierce ◽  
David P. Redlawsk ◽  
William W. Cohen

MUTAWATIR ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-191
Author(s):  
Hijrian A. Prihantoro

This article lies on the basic assumption of the heavy influence of power relation in interpreting religious texts. That is because the meaning of religious texts is often determined by the framework of interpretation and the model used by the exegetes. The discursive relations between the exegete and his tendency of political interest in the dialectical discourse of texts (al-naṣṣ ) and power (al-sulṭah), are likely potential to produce a rhythm of meaning that is non-humanitarian (al-lâ insânîyah). As a result, religious texts that should be interpreted in egalitarian sense are of marginalized. This study attempts to trace the basic paradigm of the interpretation of the khilâfah as an aqidah to the power as political ideology until the emergence of the movement of takfîrî. These three terms are a series of interpretive concepts in the framework of naz}arîyat al-tafwîd} al-ilâhî which are translated into the theory of divine authority. At this point, the enigma of politicizing religious texts comes into two models of interpretation: authoritarian and egalitarian.


Author(s):  
Auma Churchill Moses Otieno ◽  
Lusike Lynete Mukhongo

The youth in Kenya are by far the majority age-group, yet their role in politics is hampered by their inability to access mainstream political information. The objective of the study is to determine whether there is any relationship between the level of youth engagement on social media and their level of interest in politics. The study uses the post-test quasi experiment to compare political interest between a naturally occurring group of Facebook users and a naturally occurring group of non-Facebook users. The findings of the study reveal that Facebook has provided the youth with a platform where they can access political information in formats that are appealing to them. Consequently, young people have been able to mobilise themselves online and push for a political agenda. There is, therefore, need to open up online exchanges in order to create a place for young people in mainstream political discourse in Kenya.


2010 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 449-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas J. Johnson ◽  
Weiwu Zhang ◽  
Shannon L. Bichard

This research used a path analysis model to explore the degree to which reliance on off-line and online media, off-line and online discussion of political issues, as well as political attitudes predict whether an individual will engage in selective exposure to political websites. The study also looked at selective avoidance of contradictory information on websites. The results indicate that respondents did indeed practice selective exposure when accessing information on political websites, especially among those who are politically active online and those who rely heavily on websites and blogs for political information. However, the results showed that selective avoidance did not occur, with those exhibiting increased political interest and online participation significantly less likely to avoid information that challenges their views.


1973 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 447-474 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norris R. Johnson

The availability of television in a community affects political information, but it is family politicization that is at the root of the causal chain to political interest, media use and political information.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Eady ◽  
Richard Bonneau ◽  
Joshua A Tucker ◽  
Jonathan Nagler

This article examines the news sharing behavior of politicians and ordinary users by mapping the ideological sharing space of political information on social media. As data, we use the near-universal currency of online political information exchange: URLs (i.e. web links). We introduce a methodological approach (and statistical software) that unifies the measurement of political ideology online, using social media sharing data to jointly estimate the ideology of: (1) politicians; (2) social media users, and (3) the news sources that they share online. Second, we validate the measure by comparing it to well-known measures of roll call voting behavior for members of congress. Third, we show empirically that legislators who represent less competitive districts are more likely to share politically polarizing news than legislators with similar voting records in more competitive districts. Finally, we demonstrate that it is nevertheless not politicians, but ordinary users who share the most ideologically extreme content and contribute most to the polarized online news-sharing ecosystem. Our approach opens up many avenues for research into the communication strategies of elites, citizens, and other actors who seek to influence political behavior and sway public opinion by sharing political information online.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carlos Scartascini ◽  
Razvan Vlaicu

Data on political engagement of newly eligible young voters in 34 countries during 2004-2016 indicate that voting eligibility is associated with higher political engagement, casting doubt on the view that voters are rationally ignorant. Voting eligibility is associated with higher political interest, more discussion of political issues and attendance of political meetings, and more political knowledge. These effects are stronger in countries with enforced mandatory voting. The increase in political engagement is larger closer to the prior election, and it is driven by the engagement of eligible voters, implying that young voters acquire political information in anticipation of elections rather than ex post.


2021 ◽  
pp. 014616722110023
Author(s):  
Joris Lammers ◽  
Eileen Pauels ◽  
Alexandra Fleischmann ◽  
Adam D. Galinsky

Citizens in Western democracies often have negative attitudes toward political bodies, yet consistently re-elect their own representatives to these same political bodies. They hate Congress, but love their own congressperson. In contrast to resource-based explanations, we propose that this Paradox of Congressional Support is partly due to the wide availability of negative information about politicians in open societies combined with basic processes of information processing. Five studies found that unrelated negative political information decreases attitudes toward political categories such as U.S. governors but has no effect on attitudes of familiar, individual politicians (e.g., one’s own governor); additional studies further identify familiarity as the critical process. Importantly, we demonstrate that this effect generalizes to all U.S. regions and remains when controlling for and is not moderated by political ideology. These results place a presumed macrolevel political paradox within the domain of cognitive mechanisms of basic information processing.


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