Poor Children in Working Families Continue to Lag Behind: Families "Playing by the Rules" Struggle with Child Care and Health Insurance

2003 ◽  
Author(s):  
2019 ◽  
Vol 160 (Supplement 1) ◽  
pp. 43-48
Author(s):  
Ivett Szombati

Introduction and aim: In my study, analysing the data available from the change of the regime to the present day, from among the social services, I examine the changes of the financial support relating to children and its parts which are currently financed from the budget of the National Health Insurance Fund of Hungary, with special emphasis on the Child Care Benefit and the Child Care Allowance and their modifications. Data and methods: Within the framework of our research, we analyze – through data from the National Health Insurance Fund of Hungary, the Hungarian Central Statistical Office, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) and the Hungarian State Treasury as well as on the basis of literature review – the social financial support and its changes, within the family policy system. Results: Hungarian family policy is still driven by the attitude of staying at home for three years with the child. The long period spent at home with the children fundamentally affects the adjustment of mothers to the labour market which has a direct effect on the economic productivity. Even though according to the current regulations, mothers are allowed to work full-time besides receiving child care allowance after their child fills 6 months, part-time employment and telework is still in its infancy compared to the Western-European countries. Based on our research, high percentage of families go for the child care benefit directly after the birth of the child thus not participating in the labour market processes. Besides if they do participate, the percentage of employment on minimal wage is still very high which means that in 2016–2017 36% of families with two breadwinners and two children were forced to survive on subsistence income. Conclusion: In the examined period, we found that social and family policy changes unfortunately were not able to react sufficiently to the demographic challenges despite Hungary spending significantly more on family policy than other European and OECD countries. Orv Hetil. 2019; 160(Suppl 1): 43–48.


Author(s):  
Natalie M. Fousekis

This chapter focuses on two women leaders, Theresa Mahler and Mary Young, and describes how they helped the coalition navigate female networks, create alliances with men inside and outside the legislature, and finally secure a permanent public child care program, even if only for California's low-income working mothers. As legislative chair for the Northern California Association for Nursery Education (NCANE), Mahler served as the key spokeswoman for nursery school educators and child care supervisors throughout the postwar struggles to secure permanent, publicly funded child care. A soft-spoken, unassuming woman who became president and later legislative chairman of the California Parents' Association for Child Care (CPACC), Young spoke on behalf of California's low-income working families, particularly single mothers.


Author(s):  
Jessie B. Ramey

This concluding chapter demonstrates how James Caldwell's experience highlights the way in which orphanages served as “community institutions,” serving the needs of the local people who used them. But institutional child care was contested terrain. Both the United Presbyterian Orphan's Home (UPOH) and the HCC illustrate how many different stakeholders negotiated the development of child care institutions, each with sometimes competing agendas and expectations. Similarly, the managers displayed motives of social control, wishing to not only assist poor children, but to reform poor families themselves. These managing women were the most powerful stakeholders in the orphanages, but they were never alone; their control of the institutions was mediated by constant interaction with working-class families, reformers, staff, and the broader community.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 91 (1) ◽  
pp. 182-188
Author(s):  
Sandra Scarr ◽  
Deborah Phillips ◽  
Kathleen McCartney ◽  
Martha Abbott-Shim

The quality of child care services in the United States should be understood within a context of child care policy at the federal and state levels. Similarly, child care policy needs to be examined within the larger context of family-support policies that do or do not include parental leaves to care for infants (and other dependent family members) and family allowances that spread the financial burdens of parenthood. Maynard and McGinnis1 presented a comprehensive look at the current and predictable policies that, at federal and state levels, affect working families and their children. They note the many problems in our "patchwork" system of child care—problems of insufficient attention to quality and insufficient supply for low-income families. Recent legislation is a step toward improving the ability of low-income families to pay for child care (by subsidizing that part of the cost of such care which exceeds 15% rather than 20% of the family income) and some steps toward training caregivers and improving regulations. They note the seeming political impasse over parental leaves, even unpaid leaves, and the impact of this lack of policy on the unmet need for early infant care. We should step back from the current morass of family and child care policies in the United States and look at what other nations have done and continue to do for their working families. By comparison with other industrialized countries in the world, the United States neglects essential provisions that make it possible for parents in other countries to afford to rear children and to find and afford quality child care for their children.


2003 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-157 ◽  
Author(s):  
Valerie Gutmann

Effective November 1, 2002, the federal Department of Health and Human Services (DHHS) reclassified developing fetuses as “unborn children,” thereby providing health insurance benefits for prenatal care under the State Children's Health Insurance Program (SCHIP). By broadening the current definition of “child” —and thus expanding SCHIP insurance coverage — DHHS hopes to increase the number of low-income pregnant women who receive prenatal services. As noted by one commentator, the new rule represents the first time “any federal policy has defined childhood as beginning at conception.”In an attempt to improve access to publicly funded health insurance for poor children not covered by Medicaid, Congress established SCHIP a 10-year, $40 billion program jointly funded by federal and state governments. Through a series of block grants, SCHIP allows states to either expand income-eligibility for their existing Medicaid program or to create a separate child health program to decrease the number of uninsured poor and near-poor children.


1997 ◽  
Vol 41 ◽  
pp. 97-97
Author(s):  
L Rodewald ◽  
P Szilagyi ◽  
J Holl ◽  
L Pollard ◽  
R Barth ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Natalie M. Fousekis

This chapter explores what happened to child care coalition when the federal government provided new child care funds. Child care did not have the same meaning for federal officials and for the early childhood educators and mothers. The federal government's goal was to provide compensatory education to poor children through programs such as Head Start and to reduce welfare rolls with the Public Welfare amendments to the Social Security Act. Unfortunately, these programs symbolically and practically linked child care to “welfare mothers” and their children. Advocates, who by this time has confidence in their influence, effectiveness, and place in the democratic process, encountered a federal government that considered child care an appropriate service only for the poorest Americans.


1997 ◽  
Vol 12 (5) ◽  
pp. 301-302
Author(s):  
Barbara Velsor-Friedrich

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document