Estimated quarantine use of methyl bromide in the United States

2002 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 14-15
Author(s):  
Sally M. Schneider ◽  
Kenneth W. Vick
HortScience ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 525b-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
S.J. Locascio ◽  
D.W. Dickson

In past work, dichloropropene + 17% Pic (1,3-D + Pic) at 327 L·ha–1 plus pebulate provided good control of nematode, soil fungi, and nutsedge in mulched tomato (Lycopersicon esculentum Mill.) and is considered the best alternative for methyl bromide (MBr) + chloropicrin (Pic), which is scheduled for phase-out in the United States by Jan. 2001. Metam-sodium did not provide acceptable pest control. In the present study, metam-Na (295 L·ha–1 combined with Pic (168 kg·ha–1) + 4.5 kg·ha–1 pebulate, and 1,3-D + 35% Pic at 168 and 225 L·ha–1 + pebulate were compared to MBr-Pic (98-2% at 345 kg·ha–1 and 67-33% at 505 kg·ha–1). Fumigants were injected into the bed except metam-Na and pebulate were surface-applied and incorporated and drip tubing and mulch were applied. Marketable yields with MBr-Pic, 225 L·ha–1 1,3-D + Pic, and metam-Na + Pic were higher than with the check. Yields with metam-Na alone or with additional water before transplanting were similar to the check. Nutsedge was controlled with MBr-Pic and all treatments with pebulate. Nematode root-gall ratings were high on tomato grown without fumigants (8.9 rating on a scale of 0 to 10 with 0 = no galling), low with MBr-Pic (0.33), and intermediate with all other treatments (2.2 to 5.5) except with 168 L·ha–1 1-3-D + Pic (8.3). This study indicates that metam-Na + Pic + pebulate also is a possible alternative to MBr-Pic for tomato.


2012 ◽  
Vol 23 (2) ◽  
pp. 53-58 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judy A. Johnson ◽  
Spencer S. Walse ◽  
James S. Gerik

2010 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 402-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sanjeev K. Bangarwa ◽  
Jason K. Norsworthy ◽  
Edward E. Gbur ◽  
John D. Mattice

Purple nutsedge (Cyperus rotundus) is a troublesome weed in vegetable crops in the southern United States. Methyl bromide is widely used for effective purple nutsedge control in polyethylene-mulched vegetable crops. With the impending ban on methyl bromide in the United States, an effective alternative is needed. Laboratory and greenhouse experiments were conducted to determine the effect of phenyl isothiocyanate (ITC) concentration and exposure period on purple nutsedge tuber viability and to compare the retention of phenyl ITC in soil under low-density polyethylene (LDPE) and virtually impermeable film (VIF) mulches. Additionally, field experiments were conducted to evaluate the effectiveness of phenyl ITC under VIF mulch against purple nutsedge. A phenyl ITC concentration of 676 ppm in soil for 3 days in a sealed environment reduced purple nutsedge tuber viability by 97% compared with a nontreated control. Phenyl ITC retention was higher in soil covered with VIF mulch than with LDPE mulch. The predicted half-life of phenyl ITC under LDPE and VIF mulch was 6.1 and 8.9 days, respectively. In field experiments, phenyl ITC at 1500 kg·ha−1 under VIF mulch suppressed purple nutsedge shoots and reduced viable tuber density ≥72%, but control was not as effective as methyl bromide at 390 kg·ha−1 (67% methyl bromide:33% chloropicrin). Therefore, phenyl ITC up to 1500 kg·ha−1 under a VIF mulch is not a viable alternative to methyl bromide for effective purple nutsedge control.


2012 ◽  
pp. 187-210 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brian J. Gareau

This paper incorporates world-systems perspectives into an analysis of global environmental politics, thus adjoining a political economic analysis of scale with studies of global environmental policy. It is the ability of some social groups and institutions to jump scale that determines how global environmental policies are shaped. The United States’ carbon-intensive economy is seen to face larger short-term costs from global environmental agreements than many other countries in the core of the world-system, but what remains unexplored in the environmental politics literature is the question of why the United States sees its long-term economic condition hindered by these agreements. This analysis points to the ways industry actors intervene at multiple scales of global environmental negotiations to affect national policy positions as well as larger discourses about science and risk. The article reviews the methyl bromide controversy in the Montreal Protocol to explain why this agreement has recently failed to live up to expectations in removing ozone-depleting substances. The United States is particularly responsible for this impediment: rather than innovate in response to new information and changing international contexts, industry actors have drawn upon US hegemony to enforce their dominant market positions. As the parties to the Montreal Protocol remain polarized over questions of methyl bromide use, this analysis calls for attention to the ways capital, states, and other social institutions are embedded in international environmental agreements and how they use such arrangements to obstruct successful multilateral agreements. I conclude by suggesting that environmental and other social movements might strategize in two ways: 1) by helping support an emergent ‘green hegemony’ (most apparent in Chinese policy) as a counterhegemonic alternative, and 2) by developing strategies that account for the ways industry interests overlap with declining US hegemony in a shifting world-system.


2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. n/a-n/a ◽  
Author(s):  
Lei Hu ◽  
Shari A. Yvon-Lewis ◽  
Yina Liu ◽  
Joseph E. Salisbury ◽  
Julia E. O'Hern

Author(s):  
A. Hakam ◽  
J.T. Gau ◽  
M.L. Grove ◽  
B.A. Evans ◽  
M. Shuman ◽  
...  

Prostate adenocarcinoma is the most common malignant tumor of men in the United States and is the third leading cause of death in men. Despite attempts at early detection, there will be 244,000 new cases and 44,000 deaths from the disease in the United States in 1995. Therapeutic progress against this disease is hindered by an incomplete understanding of prostate epithelial cell biology, the availability of human tissues for in vitro experimentation, slow dissemination of information between prostate cancer research teams and the increasing pressure to “ stretch” research dollars at the same time staff reductions are occurring.To meet these challenges, we have used the correlative microscopy (CM) and client/server (C/S) computing to increase productivity while decreasing costs. Critical elements of our program are as follows:1) Establishing the Western Pennsylvania Genitourinary (GU) Tissue Bank which includes >100 prostates from patients with prostate adenocarcinoma as well as >20 normal prostates from transplant organ donors.


Author(s):  
Vinod K. Berry ◽  
Xiao Zhang

In recent years it became apparent that we needed to improve productivity and efficiency in the Microscopy Laboratories in GE Plastics. It was realized that digital image acquisition, archiving, processing, analysis, and transmission over a network would be the best way to achieve this goal. Also, the capabilities of quantitative image analysis, image transmission etc. available with this approach would help us to increase our efficiency. Although the advantages of digital image acquisition, processing, archiving, etc. have been described and are being practiced in many SEM, laboratories, they have not been generally applied in microscopy laboratories (TEM, Optical, SEM and others) and impact on increased productivity has not been yet exploited as well.In order to attain our objective we have acquired a SEMICAPS imaging workstation for each of the GE Plastic sites in the United States. We have integrated the workstation with the microscopes and their peripherals as shown in Figure 1.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 53-87 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Rehfeld

Every ten years, the United States “constructs” itself politically. On a decennial basis, U.S. Congressional districts are quite literally drawn, physically constructing political representation in the House of Representatives on the basis of where one lives. Why does the United States do it this way? What justifies domicile as the sole criteria of constituency construction? These are the questions raised in this article. Contrary to many contemporary understandings of representation at the founding, I argue that there were no principled reasons for using domicile as the method of organizing for political representation. Even in 1787, the Congressional district was expected to be far too large to map onto existing communities of interest. Instead, territory should be understood as forming a habit of mind for the founders, even while it was necessary to achieve other democratic aims of representative government.


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