scholarly journals Application of Graphics and Color Language in the Public Space of Modern Cites

2018 ◽  
Vol 175 ◽  
pp. 04035
Author(s):  
Mengmeng Shi ◽  
Yousheng Li

It aims to explore the experience design application of graphics and color language in the modern urban public space.We concretely analyzed the response of the graph language and the public space, the resonance of color language and human's emotion,and the visual elements integrated into public space with people's coordination on a basis of experience from the daily life of modern urbanization with the crowd in close contact with the public space.We made a joint analysis of the link response with object perception experience in the public space between graphics and color language, and proposes relevant design and application rules.The rational design and application of graphic and color language in public space is an effective measure for people‘s behaviors that introduction of interactive and awakening of participation consciousness in space.Visual stimulation can effectively stimulate people 's emotional perception of square experience, and help to build a place which is oriented and identified with by the subject to meet the demands of the subject to create a beautiful experience and belonging in the urban public space.

Author(s):  
Karolina Dłuska

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.


Africa ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 75 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nantang Jua

AbstractConcern with new modes of accountability has foregrounded the politics of belonging, giving prominence to the concepts of autochthony and allogeny. In Cameroon, this has provoked a shift in policy-making from an earlier distinction between the disciplined citizen and the subject. Despite this distinction, all Cameroonians were considered rights-bearing citizens in the early post- Independence era and as such could settle anywhere in the country and not be discriminated against. This has been rolled back as a result of overcoding and the assigning of a code to a people and a people to a territory is now in vogue. This has far-reaching policy implications. It problematizes the question of identity and has engendered the argument that this can be resolved only at death – identity should be determined by where one is buried. The centrality of overcoding, especially its extension into the mortuary realm, has enabled confusion, both legal and symbolic, which is instrumentalized and manipulated by the state, traditional authorities and relatives of the dead to serve varying and varied interests. Death, though a private affair, has now been thrust into the public space. Focusing on the burial of four ‘big men’, this paper shows how these interests are negotiated and fought over. Since space, power and tradition impact on this process, outcomes cannot be determined a priori. It is this impossibility that has given renewed relevance to the question: ‘Whose corpse it anyway?’


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 307-324
Author(s):  
FERNANDA TARABAL LOPES ◽  
ALESSANDRA DE SÁ MELLO DA COSTA

Abstract Recent years have witnessed the rise of far right-wing leaders in various parts of the world. Stanley (2019) recognizes the particularities of the different nations where this phenomenon is observed but advocates for generalizing it. The author uses the label “fascism” to refer to a variety of ultranationalism. When analyzing the current Brazilian situation, Souza (2019) also refers to fascism, exploring its irrational origins and particularities in Brazil, noticing the emergence of a neo-fascism. Against this backdrop, there are cases of people leaving their countries due to the increasing violence experienced. This study explores this particular situation, presenting the history of Tiburi’s exile, a philosopher, writer, university professor, and Brazilian politician. Concerning the theoretical discussion of the case, the study recalls, among other contributions, the debate about the centrality of work and its psychological function and how it presents itself as a form of existence and resistance for political exile. The article also discusses solidarity and the ‘public space of word’, a possibility that ceases in the country of origin and is sought in expatriation, primarily through work as a mode of existence and resistance. This study uses life history research, which is a rich possibility of apprehending the social experience and the subject in their practices. It is a method particularly fruitful in the study of phenomena such as migration. It is also essential through this research to register and reflect on work in the context of the recent Brazilian political exile.


Konturen ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lucie Cantin

How do we think the problem of the “Borderline” within psychoanalysis and the structural conception of psychic organization it proposes? As for the notion of a border between neurosis and psychosis that the case of the Borderline would simultaneously raise and call into question, we must rather recognize the failed experience of an internal limit in the subject with regard to the management of the censored that works and disorganizes the body in a jouissance that finds no path for its expression. The Borderline grapples with the work of the unbound drive, which is free and mobilized by unconscious and censored mental representations which fail to find both their mode of expression outside of the body and their meaning for the subject, as well as their negotiable form in the social space. In the absence of this space carved out in the social bond for the expression of the drive and of desire, the symptom and acting out inscribe and stage the censored within the public space, where its dramatization inevitably leads to a breakdown.


Author(s):  
Ilya Viktorovich Nikolaev

This article raises a problem of existence of the verbal political symbols of autocratic discourse in public space. The hypothesis is advanced that in the conditions of centralization of the Russian political system, forms a specific type of discursive loyalty, interpreted as communicative behavior within the framework of the structure of verbal political symbols set by the official political discourse. The object of this research is the Russian sociopolitical discourse of Russia in the early XXI century. The subject is the instruments of manifestation of discursive loyalty used by public actors. Special attention is turned to the public attitude on verbal symbols of the country’s leader, political parties and bureaucracy in the conditions of centralization and personification of power over the period from 2000 to the present. An attempt is made to formulate the typology of discursive loyalty based on the components of perception of political symbols indicated by R. Cobb and C. Elder. Three basic types of discursive loyalty are defined depending on the dominance of separate components in perception: 1) affective, based on emotional empathy with the content of the discourse of power and its source; 2) cognitive, based on recognition of the relevance of verbal symbols of the discourse of power; 3) analytical, based on rational choice of the verbal symbols of power upon availability of the alternative or evasive option. Types of loyalty are illustrated by examples of discursive behavior of the subjects of civil society of the early XXI century – presidency and prime-ministry of V. V. Putin, whose personal influence actualized the affective type of loyalty, and the results of transformation of the political system led to proliferation of analytical type of loyalty. The author believes that the prevalence of analytical type of discursive loyalty is dangerous for the political system, due to its simulated nature, which creates an illusion of public support.


2020 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 64-76
Author(s):  
Rodica Pop

The value systems established by centuries have been reversed under the pressure of the political correctness. I intend to talk about a way of communicating and transmitting messages in the public space nowadays. I write about post-truth, arguing that it is a lie cosmeticized, hidden in a language that astounds and is supported by ideas that challenge not only refined intelligence, but also common sense. When I write the word truth, I do not consider the concept of truth, which philosophy strives to define it, but I refer to the instrumental truth, the objective truth with which we operate daily, the truth as a benchmark of stability. And I put this truth in relation to the lie. I offer some concrete examples from the last three decades, from different environments, about events or statements that have been the subject of scandals that have started from the claim of some people to present a lie as a truth. I also refer to the fact that there is a whole Neo-Marxist literature that nullifies the natural hierarchy of things, so that objective truth loses its value, becomes irrelevant, flexible, until it is despised, because it is the instrument of „the conservative” individual, the class enemy of the progressives.


Author(s):  
Karolina Dłuska

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.


Author(s):  
José Horacio ROSALES CUEVA ◽  
Yudi Andrea QUINTANA TORRES
Keyword(s):  
The Self ◽  

Resumen: Las tensiones intersubjetivas causadas por la intención de laspersonas de apropiarse y ganar privilegios en el espacio público es el asuntode este escrito que expone resultados de una investigación semiótica. Lostestimonios de los actores de estos conflictos, en las calles de Duitama,Colombia, fueron analizados con el modelo de las prácticas semióticas.Con los resultados se construyó un esquema descriptivo de la estrategia dedelegación de la responsabilidad en otro por parte del yo del enunciado. Deeste modo, la instancia de enunciación justifica el quehacer conflictivo enla escena práctica del espacio público. Abstract: The intersubjective tensions caused by the intention of people toappropriate and gain privileges in the public space is the subject of this paperthat exposes the outcomes of a semiotic investigation. The testimonies ofthe actors of these conflicts, in the streets of Duitama, Colombia, wereanalyzed with the model of semiotic practices. A descriptive scheme ofthe strategy of delegation of responsibility in another by the self of thestatement was constructed with the results. In this way, the enunciationinstance justifies the disagreeing task in the practical scene of the publicspace.


2011 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 27-36
Author(s):  
Urša Komac ◽  
Pablo Guillén
Keyword(s):  

We enjoyed the company of Bogdan Bogdanović a few times. He told us about his life and his work, among other things. This article is to a large extent a result of those pleasant meetings. Everyone needs to be alone from time to time; to be alone in the open air, away from their own private room and from the public street. And in the same way as two people can be alone in the same place without disturbing each other, the public space for being alone is not only a necessity but also a possibility. But all that is fairly fragile. It is difficult to design spaces for solitude, and it is particularly difficult to make them work. Sometimes, perhaps, the places preferred by people on their own are just a matter of chance. Moreover, they can easily disappear. Three of such spaces: so fragile and so fascinating, are the subject of this study. They are memorials for Prilep, Travnik and Vukovar, all works of Bogdan Bogdanović. Each of them is a drop of culture in a desert.


2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Natalia Kosztowna

Abstract The article discusses the subject of celebrating International Women’s Day in the Polish People’s Republic (1952-1989). The author aims at showing the importance of this day in the public space – specifically in state enterprises. The article mainly attempts to assess whether those celebrations were inspired by the communist authorities and used to achieve some short- and long-term social goals, or if they allowed to establish or re-establish some kind of trust for the party in power. Empirical data are used to illustrate the phenomenon. The author points out that in the period of the Polish People’s Republic, there existed a certain privilege of being a women. This was evidenced by the prestige that the authorities of the time assigned to the celebration of Women’s Day and the fact that Men’s Day was not celebrated, or at least was much more marginal.


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