Defining Policy Goals Through the Stages of the Policy Process

2005 ◽  
pp. 213-226
Author(s):  
Beryl A. Radin
Keyword(s):  
Ethnicities ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146879682093228
Author(s):  
Markus Holdo

Policies on preventing radicalization and recruitment to violent Islamist organizations have been widely criticized for reinforcing negative stereotypes of Muslims as a group. Sweden has stood out by international comparison by announcing an approach built on inclusion and participation, especially with regard to Muslim civil society. But what does it mean to make a policy process inclusive and participatory? How can values of inclusion and participation be combined with efficient implementation and realization of policy goals, especially in a policy area where discourse and practice have tended to reinforce patterns of exclusion and discrimination? This article develops a framework that puts the roles of participants at the center: what expectations, boundaries and capacities come with an invitation to participate? Based on interviews with actors involved in the Swedish policy process, including Muslim civil society leaders, the study suggests that participation, in this case, meant primarily being present, thereby confirming commitment and stakeholder status and contributing legitimacy, and providing instrumental knowledge and communication networks. While Muslim representatives were often not expected to be more involved, some indicated that they themselves hesitated to go beyond these roles for several reasons. They expressed a concern that merely having opinions or critique could be interpreted as ‘radical’ and as not accepting the idea that Muslims as a group should have special responsibilities for preventing radicalism. One way of overcoming such obstacles is through subtle, indirect exercises of influence that allow policy-makers and administrators to anticipate the concerns and interests of affected groups without requiring their direct participation.


Lex Russica ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 54-65
Author(s):  
M. V. Varlen

The development of contemporary world politics puts new demands on the diplomacy of the 21st century that has rapidly transformed into a multilevel and complex system. The remarkable features and, at the same time, imperatives of diplomatic relations include globalization and multipolarity, turbulence and the multifaceted nature of the foreign policy process, rapid accumulation and processing of information, integration and regionalization, increased national consciousness of States, extensive interaction with non-state actors of international law. In the context of this long-term trend, the most important place belongs to the new actors of the foreign policy process that find themselves in the formats of international dialogue often more competitive as compared with formal, classic mechanisms of diplomacy. Thus, currently, public, economic, digital, sports, regional, scientific, and electoral diplomacy are actively manifested as key trends. The institution of parliamentary diplomacy plays a significant role in the implementation of foreign policy goals and objectives. The uniqueness of this diplomatic course is manifested in the fact that it organically combines the features of official diplomacy and public diplomacy, as parliamentarians act as legitimate representatives of their countries, elected through democratic procedures and representing the interests of their constituents. In the Russian Federation, parliamentary diplomacy is recognized as conceptually important, demanded and promising format of global interaction, which has been repeatedly mentioned at high level of the State.


2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kimberly Kay Wiley

Abstract As politics becomes increasingly polarized, the value of collective political action becomes more visible and overt. Nonprofit organizations act collectively in pursuit of their policy goals in nearly all aspects of public policy. Understanding how nonprofits borne of social movements engage politically expands our insight into advocacy coalition behavior following seemingly effective social movements. The coalition’s leveraging of political resources provides us this insight. This study assesses the policy activities produced or maintained within a U.S. national domestic violence advocacy coalition over its lifetime to determine how and when resources were leveraged. A directed content analysis is conducted on historical data to capture the evolution of coalition activities over a 41-year period. The coalition’s emphasis on policy change waned over time as it achieved its policy goals. The coalition then leaned on its largest resources, mobilizable troops, and information to increasingly emphasize policy implementation and evaluation. These findings indicate that when in the policy process coalitions leverage their political resources may be more important than how coalitions leverage resources. Framing nonprofit political activity across the stages of the policy process can open doors to better use of scarce political resources.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 63-63
Author(s):  
Zainab Suntai

Abstract Death with dignity is one of many titles attributed to the practice of providing a patient with terminal illness a means to die in light of extreme suffering as a result of a terminal illness. The purpose of the Oregon Death with Dignity Act is to provide individuals suffering from a terminal illness with the right to make a written request for life-ending medication to end their life in a “humane and dignified manner.” Deborah Stone’s policy goals of equity, efficiency, welfare, security, and liberty provides a framework to analyze whether a policy is doing what it says it wants to do. As such, the goal of this presentation is to apply the policy goals framework to determine if the Death with Dignity Act is accomplishing its stated goals. Applying a theory of the policy process, the Death with Dignity Act was analyzed using the most recently available data from the Oregon Health Authority. Results showed that since the Death with Dignity Act passed in 1997, 2,518 people have received prescriptions for life-ending medications, and of those, 1657 or 66% have used the medication to end their lives. Based on the data aggregated between 1997 and 2019, the Death with Dignity Act has mostly met its purpose of providing individuals with a terminal illness with the right to die on their own terms and with dignity. However, there are still several issues regarding equity, especially for low-income BIPOC populations. Implications for practice, policy and research are discussed.


2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 127-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charlotte Jourdain ◽  
Simon Hug ◽  
Frédéric Varone

This study examines lobbying activity during four California policymaking processes and through the four institutional venues available in that state: the legislative, executive, and judicial branches, and the ballot initiative. It shows that past advocacy activity explains future mobilization on the same policy issue. Groups that fail to reach their policy goals will be more likely to mobilize later if the policy process changes venue, compared with those that have achieved their policy preference. Thus, the availability of multiple venues provides a counterweight to the possible advantages received by certain group types in each venue. Furthermore, public interest groups are more likely to mobilize across venues and repeatedly within a venue, while business groups are less likely to do so.


2018 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara A. Burke ◽  
Ruairi Brugha ◽  
Stephen Thomas

Objectives: To analyse the policy process that led to changes to the Finance Acts in 2001 and 2002 that gave tax-reliefs to build private hospitals in Ireland. Methods: Qualitative research methods of documentary analysis and in-depth semi-structured interviews with elites involved in the policy processes, were used and examined through a conceptual framework devised for this research. Results: This research found a highly politicised and personalised policy making process where policy entrepreneurs, namely private sector interests, had significant impact on the policy process. Effective private sector lobbying encouraged the Minister of Finance to introduce the tax-reliefs for building private hospitals despite advice against this policy measure from his own officials, officials in the Department of Health and the health minister. The Finance Acts in 2001 and 2002 introduced tax-reliefs for building private hospitals, without any public or political scrutiny or consensus. Conclusion: The changes to the Finance Acts to give tax-reliefs to build private hospitals in 2001 and private for-profit hospitals 2002 is an example of a closed, personalised policy making process. It is an example of a politically imposed policy by the finance minister, where economic policy goals overrode health policy goals. The documentary analysis and elite interviews examined through a conceptual framework enabled an in-depth analysis of this specific policy making process. These methods and the framework may be useful to other policy making analyses.


2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 44-65
Author(s):  
Frank Makoza

Information and communication technology (ICT) policies attract different stakeholders in the policy cycle phases. Whilst most studies on stakeholder analysis focuses on identifying stakeholders at the beginning of the policy process (ex-ante), we argue that stakeholders may change during the course of the policy process and hence the need to review previous policy stakeholders and identify new stakeholders in the subsequent phases of the policy process. The article proposes a taxonomy of ex-post stakeholder identification for ICT policy implementation phase. The taxonomy comprises the following steps for identifying stakeholders: categorise policy goals, list stakeholders, decide on stakeholders, categorise stakeholders, assign roles to stakeholders, highlight participation of stakeholders, manage stakeholders, and evaluate stakeholders. The taxonomy may be used by those responsible for recruiting stakeholders in the ICT policy implementation.


1990 ◽  
Vol 45 (6) ◽  
pp. 766-770 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea L. Solarz
Keyword(s):  

2010 ◽  
pp. 4-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. Nekipelov ◽  
M. Golovnin

The paper analyzes the qualitative changes in monetary policy goals and instruments during the world economic crisis of 2007-2009 in industrial countries and Russia; it represents the authors view on Russian monetary policy goals and results on different stages of crisis development. On the basis of the analysis the authors conclude on the necessity of active exchange rate policy in Russia, while developing interest rate instruments, and implementation of some exchange restrictions to prevent crisis contagion in the future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 189-193
Author(s):  
Aisha Naiga ◽  
Loyola Rwabose Karobwa

Over 90% of Uganda's power is generated from renewable sources. Standardised Implementation Agreements and Power Purchase Agreements create a long-term relationship between Generating Companies and the state-owned off-taker guaranteed by Government. The COVID-19 pandemic and measures to curb the spread of the virus have triggered the scrutiny and application of force majeure (FM) clauses in these agreements. This article reviews the FM clauses and considers their relevance. The authors submit that FM clauses are a useful commercial tool for achieving energy justice by ensuring the continuity of the project, despite the dire effects of the pandemic. Proposals are made for practical considerations for a post-COVID-19 future which provides the continued pursuit of policy goals of promoting renewable energy sources and increasing access to clean energy, thus accelerating just energy transitions.


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