scholarly journals Whatever happened to repeat victimisation?

2018 ◽  
Vol 20 (4) ◽  
pp. 256-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ken Pease ◽  
Dainis Ignatans ◽  
Lauren Batty
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Deborah Jump

There is an assumption in criminal justice that boxing will immediately work to reduce offending among young men. Many practitioners cite discipline and respect as the desisting elements inherent in a boxing gym. Undoubtedly, these discourses do exist, yet, what if the discipline and the respect garnered in the gym are used for other purposes that are not always conducive to the desistance process? This book will unpick how effective boxing actually is in reducing violent attitudes, and how to ensure that the messages in the gym environment do not support negative attitudes often found outside the ring. Using classic desistance literature (Giordano 2002; Maruna 2001), I make suggestions that are grounded in evidence and theory. Using case studies, and life history interviewing drawn from a psychosocial perspective (Jefferson and Hollway 2000; Gadd 2007; Maruna 2001), this book builds on techniques that uncover the more clandestine reasons for choosing boxing. Working within this psychosocial framework, the desire and the appealing nature of boxing, more often than not, comes from a place of anxiety rather than strength. I will present arguments that suggest boxing’s appeal lies in its capacity to develop ‘physical capital’ (Wacquant 2004), and prevent repeat victimisation. Using case studies, I will reveal stories of men’s victimhood, either via gang violence, domestic violence, or structural disadvantage. I will tell the story of how boxing reshaped their identities and self-concepts, and how the gym came to represent a fraternity and a ‘island of stability and order’ (Wacquant 2004). Additionally, I will present arguments that suggest that boxing is not a panacea for all social ills, and while it has its benefits, it also has a darker side that is coterminous with hyper- masculine discourses of violence, respect, and avoidance of shame.


2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 137-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sylvia Chenery ◽  
Chris Henshaw ◽  
Ken Pease

Three types of police service can be distinguished. • Reaction to relevant emergencies; • Identifying and processing crime perpetrators; • Proaction to prevent crime and disorder (referred to below as ‘unity policing’). The central problem for the organisation of policing is arguably the integration of the first two elements of work with the third. In this paper, the writers contend that focusing on identifying and providing relevant help to those previously victimised by crime offers a platform for such integration. The advantages conferred by this approach will be identified. The Huddersfield Biting Back project is described as an example of how such an approach can be implemented. The implications of risk-based targeting, of which repeat victimisation provides the easiest example to implement, are spelled out.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Sara G. Correia

While the estimated volume and cost of fraud and computer misuse (F&CM) is astoundingly high, much remains unknown about patterns of victimisation, especially in relation to repeat, ‘chronic’ and/or ‘vulnerable’ victims. These ‘unknowns’ have both theoretical and practical implications. Theoretically, understandings of repeat victimisation (RV) and vulnerability remain under-developed and under-studied, particularly with respect to F&CM victims. In practice, the ways in which victim vulnerability is defined and assessed have a direct impact on what response victims of F&CM get from the Criminal Justice System. Too often, however, such policies appear to reproduce idealised notions of ‘the victim’ or assumptions of what kinds of victims and vulnerability ought to be recognised – rather than being driven by evidence.This work is a study of F&CM victimisation. It draws on a sample of crime reports (n = 17,049), made within Wales to the UK’s National Fraud and Cybercrime Reporting Centre Action Fraud, between October 1st 2014 and September 30th 2016. A mixed-methods approach is used, encompassing descriptive and bivariate statistics, generalised linear models, deterministic and probabilistic data linkage, as well as qualitative thematic analysis. Throughout, the socially constructed nature of crime categories and the concepts of ‘the victim’ and vulnerability are recognised, while remaining committed to empirically grounded discussion of findings and (where applicable) the replicability of the analysis.The analysis in this thesis highlights flaws in the reporting system that negatively impact on analysis and police response. These include data quality issues and the lack of a robust system to identify vulnerable and repeat victims. It also demonstrates the unsustainability of an online/offline distinction with respect to recorded F&CM crimes, identifies patterns of RV and their implications for crime prevention. Finally, this thesis advances an original framework for understanding vulnerability in the context of F&CM victimisation and better target a victim response.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 332-343
Author(s):  
Sarah Shorrock ◽  
Michelle A McManus ◽  
Stuart Kirby

To help reduce victimisation, safeguarding practices in England and Wales are becoming more multi-agency, with Multi-Agency Safeguarding Hubs (MASH) being a contemporary example of such an approach. MASH aims to reduce victimisation by identifying and managing vulnerability at the earliest opportunity. This is achieved through the co-location of safeguarding agencies, joint decision making and the co-ordination of interventions. Previous research has indicated that the demand placed upon MASH often outweighs available resources, questioning the extent to which MASH effectively safeguards vulnerable people at the earliest opportunity. Whilst existing literature has focused upon the characteristics of MASH referrals, alongside referral processes, rates of repeat referrals have been overlooked. This paper aims to bridge this gap by exploring the number of repeat referrals made over a two-month period to a MASH location in the north-west of England ( n = 2,134). By investigating repeat referrals, reasons why some individuals are susceptible to being victimised on multiple occasions are identified. The paper concludes that whilst MASH has taken a step towards identifying and managing victimisation, practices and processes need to be reviewed if MASH is to proactively prevent repeat victimisation.


1992 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 85-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Farrell

The extent and significance of multiple and repeat victimisation have gone largely unrecognised. The literature is explored with respect to demonstrating that multiple victimisation is robust across crime types and method of study. Nine different research methods suggest a similar pattern of the distribution of victimisation; a small proportion of the population experience a large proportion of all crime. In the British Crime Survey, 70% of all incidents were reported by the 14% of respondents who are multiple victims (a conservative figure). With respect to significance, victimisation should not be studied without fully accounting for multiple victimisation. Many areas of policy and practice may be affected by a recognition of the importance of multiple victimisation. For crime prevention policy, if repeat or multiple victimisation can be prevented, a large proportion of all crime might be prevented. Crime prevention strategy developed through responses to victimisation should be spatially and temporally focused.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 11-22
Author(s):  
Dominika Bek

The penal measure of a prohibition on being in certain communities and locations, on contacting certain individuals or on approaching certain individuals or on leaving a specific place of residence without the court’s consent, evidently restricts the liberty of a person sentenced. The said restriction most of all serves to implement the preventative function of penal law, particularly the protection of the victim against the repeat victimisation. At the same time, however, implementing this measure interferes with the victim’s life. Insofar as the restriction of the perpetrator’s liberty is in this case fully justified, ignoring the opinion of the victim in decision-making process pertaining to implementation of the discussed legal measure does not meet the constitutional criterion of proportionality.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document