scholarly journals The asylum–child welfare paradox: unaccompanied minors in Austria

2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ayse Dursun ◽  
Birgit Sauer
Keyword(s):  
Child Welfare ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Structural Aspect ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Unaccompanied Minors ◽  
Child And Youth Welfare ◽  
Ongoing Development ◽  
Asylum Procedure ◽  
Simultaneous Implementation

AbstractExisting research shows that right-wing populist imaginaries and discourses on “bogus asylum seekers” mobilise feelings of fear and panic and serve to legitimise increasingly restrictive asylum policies in Europe. In light of this ongoing development, this paper addresses a more intrinsic and structural aspect of asylum, which requires balancing the inclusion and exclusion of persecuted third-country nationals. This paradox is most evident with unaccompanied minors who are caught between state norms and practices that are both exclusionary and repressive (asylum) and inclusive and caring (child welfare). In order to tackle this dilemma, we explore how the asylum–child welfare paradox is organised and formalised by the state and how it affects unaccompanied minors. Based on interviews with unaccompanied minors in Austria and experts who work with them, the findings show that child and youth welfare norms and practices that are formalised as part of the asylum procedure improve unaccompanied minors’ living conditions without dismantling asylum norms and practices of surveillance, conditionality, and scarcity. Judging by their simultaneous implementation, the state preserves and reinforces exclusionary and repressive asylum norms not despite but through child welfare norms and practices.

Politics of Asylum Seekers and Refugees in Turkey: Limits and Prospects of Populism

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fatih Resul Kılınç ◽  
Şule Toktaş
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Syrian Civil War ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Right Wing Populism ◽  
Mass Influx ◽  
Asylum Seekers And Refugees ◽  
The Eu

This article addresses the international movement of asylum seekers and refugees, particularly Syrian immigrants, and their impact on populism in Turkish politics between 2011 and 2018. The article argues that populist politics/rhetoric directed against Syrians in Turkey remained limited during this period, especially from a comparative perspective. At a time when rising Islamophobia, extreme nationalism, and anti-immigrant sentiments led to rise of right-wing populism in Europe, populist platforms exploiting specifically migrants, asylum seekers, and the Syrians in Turkey failed to achieve a similar effect. The chapter identifies two reasons for this puzzling development even as the outbreak of the Syrian civil war triggered a mass influx of asylum seekers and irregular immigrants into Turkey. First, the article focuses on Turkey’s refugee deal with the EU in response to “Europe’s refugee crisis,” through which Turkey has extracted political and economic leverage. Next, the article sheds light on Turkey’s foreign policy making instruments that evolved around using the refugee situation as an instrument of soft power pursuant to its foreign policy identity. The article concludes with a discussion of the rise of anti-Syrian sentiments by 2019.

scholarly journals “Do you understand (me)?” negotiating mutual understanding by using gaze and environmentally coupled gestures between two deaf signing participants

2020 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nina Sivunen ◽  
Elina Tapio
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seeker ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
The State ◽  
Mutual Understanding ◽  
Multimodal Analysis ◽  
Semiotic Resources ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities ◽  
Language Competencies ◽  
Unrealistic Expectations ◽  
Insight Into

AbstractIn this paper we explore the use of multimodal and multilingual semiotic resources in interactions between two deaf signing participants, a researcher and an asylum seeker. The focus is on the use of gaze and environmentally coupled gestures. Drawing on multimodal analysis and linguistic ethnography, we demonstrate how gaze and environmentally coupled gestures are effective semiotic resources for reaching mutual understanding. The study provides insight into the challenges and opportunities (deaf) asylum seekers, researchers, and employees of reception centres or the state may encounter because of the asymmetrical language competencies. Our concern is that such asymmetrical situations may be created and maintained by ignoring visual and embodied resources in interaction and, in the case of deaf asylum seekers, by unrealistic expectations towards conventionalized forms of international sign.

Mother-Work: Women, Child Welfare, and the State, 1890-1930.

1995 ◽  
Vol 100 (5) ◽  
pp. 1704
Author(s):  
Theda Skocpol ◽  
Molly Ladd-Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Child Welfare ◽  
The State

The 1992 Referendum in South Africa

1993 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 339-360 ◽  
Author(s):  
Annette Strauss
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Conservative Party ◽  
The State ◽  
Reform Process ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
National Party ◽  
White Voters ◽  
The Right

The ruling National Party (N.P.) asked white voters during the 1989 election campaign for a mandate to negotiate with all concerned about a new constitution, an undivided South Africa, one citizenship, equal votes, protection of minorities, and the removal of stumbling blocks such as discrimination against people of colour.1 Although the N.P. achieved a cleat majority – 93 seats against 39 for the Conservative Party (C.P.) and 33 for the Democratic Party (D.P.) – the right-wing opposition made destinct progress by gaining 17 seats. After the C.P had captured a further three from the N.P. in by-elections, including Potchefstroom in February 1992, President F. W. de Klerk announced in Parliament that whites would be asked the following month to vote in a referendum in order to remove any doubts about his mandate. The carefully worded question which the electorate had to answer was as follows: Do you support continuation of the reform process which the State President began on February 2, 1990 and which is aimed at a new constitution through negotiation?

scholarly journals Vulnerable childhood, vulnerable adulthood: Direct provision as aftercare for aged-out separated children seeking asylum in Ireland

2017 ◽  
Vol 37 (3) ◽  
pp. 386-404 ◽  
Author(s):  
Muireann Ní Raghallaigh ◽  
Liam Thornton
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Foster Care ◽  
Young People ◽  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
The State ◽  
Migrant Status ◽  
After Care ◽  
Systematic Exploration ◽  
Care Leavers ◽  
Discretionary Powers

Ireland’s approach to after-care for ‘aged-out’ separated children is problematic. Currently, upon reaching the age of 18, most separated young people are moved to ‘direct provision’, despite the fact that the state can use discretionary powers to allow them to remain in foster care. Direct provision is the system Ireland adopts providing bed and board to asylum seekers, along with a weekly monetary payment. Separated young people in Ireland are in a vulnerable position after ageing out. Entry into the direct provision system, from a legal and social work perspective, is concerning. Utilising direct provision as a ‘form of aftercare’ emphasises governmental policy preferences that privilege the migrant status of aged-out separated children, as opposed to viewing this group as young people leaving care. In this article, utilising a cross-disciplinary approach, we provide the first systematic exploration of the system of aftercare for aged-out separated children in Ireland. In doing so, we posit two core reasons for why the aftercare system for aged-out separated children has developed as it has. First, doing so ensures that the state is consistent with its approach to asylum seekers more generally, in that it seeks to deter persons from claiming asylum in Ireland through utilisation of the direct provision system. Second, while the vulnerability of aged-out separated children is well-documented, the state (and others) ignore this vulnerability and are reluctant to offer additional aftercare supports beyond direct provision. This is due, we argue, to viewing aged-out separated children as having a lesser entitlement to rights than other care leavers, solely based on their migrant status.

scholarly journals Ryszard Piotrowicz, Asylum Seekers, Good Faith and the State (Osoby ubiegające się o ochronę międzynarodową, dobra wiara i państwo), „International Journal on Minority and Group Rights” 2013, vol. 20, iss. 2 (opr. Agnieszka Narożniak)

2019 ◽  
pp. 174
Author(s):  
Agnieszka Narożniak
Keyword(s):  
Asylum Seekers ◽  
The State ◽  
Good Faith ◽  
Group Rights

Ryszard Piotrowicz, Asylum Seekers, Good Faith and the State (Osoby ubiegające się o ochronę międzynarodową, dobra wiara i państwo), „International Journal on Minority and Group Rights” 2013, vol. 20, iss. 2 (opr. Agnieszka Narożniak)

scholarly journals Hillary-hating

2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Emma Blackett
Keyword(s):  
Crucial Role ◽  
American Dream ◽  
Public Debate ◽  
The State ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Hillary Clinton ◽  
Facebook Pages ◽  
Pro Choice

As a politician who became famous for being another politician’s wife, Hillary Clinton has long been a lightning rod for American fears (and hopes) about the state of gender. Although most commentators agree that she has been hated ubiquitously since 1992, scholarship on Hillary-hating almost always considers it a male impulse. This paper asks why right-wing American feminists hate Hillary Clinton. The author studied “Women for Trump” Facebook pages, focusing on memes that present the pro-choice Clinton as a monstrous (anti-)mother. Hatred of Clinton is not produced by ‘reasonable’ public debate, this paper argues; more important are the potent affective charges Clinton’s image carries. A ‘memetic’ analysis is used to look at the affective object-ness of Clinton’s image: where it travels, with what impetus, and what responses it provokes. Affect plays a crucial role in both sharing memes online and the workings of misogyny and racism in right-wing women’s pursuit of the American Dream.

scholarly journals Four essays on the child welfare system

2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Hyslop ◽  
Emily Keddell ◽  
David Hanna ◽  
Claire Achmad
Keyword(s):  
Child Welfare ◽  
Child Welfare System ◽  
Welfare System ◽  
The State ◽  
Family Court ◽  
Policy And Practice ◽  
Non Profit ◽  
Policy Practice ◽  
Role Of The State ◽  
Legislative Changes

The year 2019 represented a watershed moment for Aotearoa New Zealand’s child welfare system, as a public spotlight was shone on systemic ethnic inequities during ongoing legislative changes aimed at centering Te Tiriti o Waitangi and whänau, hapü, and iwi considerations in policy and practice. In the midst of this dialogue, Victoria University of Wellington’s School of Government hosted the “Children, Families, and the State”– a seminar series focused on the historical, current, and future role of the state in the lives of families and children. The seminars, and the discussion it generated, was due to the calls to action from speakers across the system, including leadership at Oranga Tamariki, within the family court, non-profit providers, commissioners and advocates, and academics. The following essays in this edition of Policy Quarterly capture viewpoints from several of the seminar speakers. Despite their different perspectives, common threads unite them. A greater recognition of the structural causes of the historical and current patterns of ethnic inequities in child welfare system contact, a commitment to whänau, hapü, and iwi-centred policy, practice, and partnership, the authors argue, are vital for a more just and empowering system.

Zapobieganie prawicowemu ekstremizmowi i jego zwalczanie na przykładzie Niemiec

2011 ◽  
pp. 168-190
Author(s):  
Kinga Schlesinger
Keyword(s):  
European Commission ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Extreme Right ◽  
Target Groups ◽  
Main Target ◽  
The Media ◽  
Right Wing Extremism

The article scrutinises the issue of right-wing extremism in Germany in recent years. The analysis leads to the conclusion that this problem is gathering in force in the UE while in Germany it is tending to diminish. The anti-extremism actions undertaken in Germany are so significant that they may provide a sui generis model for the other EU states and the European Commission to follow. The article describes, how right-wing extremism is prevented and countered, in particular as exemplified by Germany. Anti-extremist actions are carried out with regard to various entities and in various fields, namely, legislation, justice, administration, education, the media and NGOs. The article provides a review of anti-extremism strategies applied by the state bodies to the extreme right-wing parties, from marginalising them, in the case of Germany, to accepting them into ruling coalitions, in the case of Austria. The author’s considerations lead her to the conclusion that the main target groups in anti-extremist actions should be the youth and journalists.

Compensated Motherhood and the State

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine E. Rymph
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Child Welfare ◽  
Foster Parents ◽  
The State ◽  
The Public ◽  
Child Welfare Professionals ◽  
The 1960S ◽  
Proper Balance

This chapter examines the role of foster parents as workers, an idea rooted in the nineteenth century role of the “boarding mother.” Child Welfare professionals, foster parents, and the public struggled over the proper balance between paying adequate board to foster parents while ensuring that desire to nurture a child remained the paramount motivation. By the 1960s, foster parents began organizing themselves, culminating in the formation of the National Foster Parents Association in 1971.

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