Effects of Burning and Grazing on Sustainable Utilization of Upland Snow Tussock (Chionochloa spp) Rangelands for Pastoralism in South Island, New Zealand

1994 ◽  
Vol 42 (2) ◽  
pp. 149 ◽  
Author(s):  
AF Mark

The upland (800-2000 m) snow tussock (Chionochloa spp.) rangelands of South Island, New Zealand have a long history of burning that pre-dates human occupation during the last millennium. Their present extent in part reflects their ability to displace a range of woody vegetation, including forest, through tolerance of periodic fne. Research has confirmed the general tolerance of these grasslands to fire, though recovery of some features (e.g. biomass and flowering potential) may take more than 14 years. Mammalian grazing, by contrast, is a recent phenomenon, associated with European settlement and pastoralism over the last 150 years, on these mostly Crown (i.e. public-owned) lands. Such grazing, particularly when combined with regular burning, has usually resulted in prolonged reductions in tussock biomass, vigour and stability, as well as in the control and yield of water, potentially the most valuable product for humans from the upland grasslands. Fire promotes vegetative growth, flowering and seed germination within 2 years of burning. It also increases the palatability of these long-lived dominant grasses which are vulnerable to severe grazing by introduced ruminants, especially in the immediate post-fire recovery period when nutrients are reallocated from roots to leaf tissue. Management constraints, particularly restriction of grazing during the post-fie recovery period, have been inadequate to prevent continued degradation of the grasslands through weakening or displacement of the dominant tussock grass cover and a consequent loss of stability in many areas. Under pastoralism, the productive potential of the grasslands, together with their water, soil and nature conservation values have generally declined. Existing pastoral practices in many areas clearly represent non-sustainable utilisation of the rangelands for pastoralism. Recovery will be difficult and costly, both economically and socially. Some representative areas have been formally reserved and are being monitored to serve as baseline references.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kimberley Jane Stephenson

<p>Before 1940, few of the nation’s museums actively collected or displayed artefacts associated with the history of European settlement in New Zealand. Over the following three decades, an interest in ‘colonial history’ blossomed and collections grew rapidly. Faced with the challenge of displaying material associated with the homes of early settlers, museums adopted the period room as a strategy of display. The period room subsequently remained popular with museum professionals until the 1980s, when the type of history that it had traditionally been used to represent was increasingly brought into question. Filling a gap in the literature that surrounds museums and their practices in New Zealand, this thesis attempts to chart the meteoric rise and fall of the period room in New Zealand. Taking the two period rooms that were created for the New Zealand Centennial Exhibition in 1939 as its starting point, the thesis begins by considering the role that the centennials, jubilees and other milestones celebrated around New Zealand in the 1940s and 1950s played in the development of period rooms in this country, unpacking the factors that fuelled the popularity of this display mode among exhibition organisers and museum professionals. The thesis then charts the history of the period room in the context of three metropolitan museums – the Otago Early Settlers Museum, the Canterbury Museum, and the Dominion Museum – looking at the physical changes that were made to these displays over time, the attitudes that informed these changes, and the role that period rooms play in these institutions today.</p>



2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Kimberley Jane Stephenson

<p>Before 1940, few of the nation’s museums actively collected or displayed artefacts associated with the history of European settlement in New Zealand. Over the following three decades, an interest in ‘colonial history’ blossomed and collections grew rapidly. Faced with the challenge of displaying material associated with the homes of early settlers, museums adopted the period room as a strategy of display. The period room subsequently remained popular with museum professionals until the 1980s, when the type of history that it had traditionally been used to represent was increasingly brought into question. Filling a gap in the literature that surrounds museums and their practices in New Zealand, this thesis attempts to chart the meteoric rise and fall of the period room in New Zealand. Taking the two period rooms that were created for the New Zealand Centennial Exhibition in 1939 as its starting point, the thesis begins by considering the role that the centennials, jubilees and other milestones celebrated around New Zealand in the 1940s and 1950s played in the development of period rooms in this country, unpacking the factors that fuelled the popularity of this display mode among exhibition organisers and museum professionals. The thesis then charts the history of the period room in the context of three metropolitan museums – the Otago Early Settlers Museum, the Canterbury Museum, and the Dominion Museum – looking at the physical changes that were made to these displays over time, the attitudes that informed these changes, and the role that period rooms play in these institutions today.</p>



Author(s):  
Alistair P. Russell ◽  
Jason M. Ingham

Unreinforced masonry (URM) buildings remain New Zealand's most earthquake prone class of building. New Zealand URM buildings are classified into typologies, based on their general structural configuration. Seven typologies are presented, and their relative prevalence, age and locations are identified. There are estimated to be 3,750 URM buildings in existence in New Zealand, with 1,300 (35%) being estimated to be potentially earthquake prone and 2010 (52%) to be potentially earthquake risk, using the NZSEE Initial Evaluation Procedure. Trends in the age of these buildings show that construction activity increased from the early days of European settlement and reached a peak at about 1930, before subsequently declining sharply. The preponderance of the existing URM building stock was constructed prior to 1940, and as such, almost all URM buildings in New Zealand are between 80 and 130 years old (in 2010). Overall the URM building stock has a 2010 market value of approximately $NZ1.5 billion, and constitutes approximately 8% of the total building stock in terms of floor area. Details are also provided regarding the development of New Zealand building codes and the associated provisions for assessing existing earthquake risk buildings, and provides some background to the history of the URM building stock in New Zealand.



1994 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tony W. Norton ◽  
Neil D. Mitchell

The temperate forest ecosystems of Australia and New Zealand have had a similar history of exploitation and destruction since European settlement. This differed markedly from the previous use of these forests by indigenous peoples. Australian Aborigines are considered to have used the forests on a sustainable basis. Fire was the primary management tool and probably had its greatest effect on floristic composition and structure. The Maori of New Zealand initially cleared substantial areas of forest, but by the time of European settlement they appear to have been approaching sustainable management of the remainder. In both countries, the arrival of Europeans disrupted sustainability and significantly changed the evolutionary history of the forests and their biota. The exploitation and destruction of temperate forests by Europeans in both countries has been driven largely by agricultural and forestry activities, based around settlement and export industries. The Australian continent never had substantial forest cover but this has been reduced by more than half in just 200 years. New Zealand has suffered a similar overall level of further loss; although in the lowlands this can reach 95 per cent. In recent times, forest production and management policies in the two countries have diverged. In both countries the majority of remaining indigenous forests are on publicly-owned land. Australia still maintains indigenous forest production as an industry exploiting old growth forests, the management being split between an emphasis on production forestry and nature conservation. New Zealand has largely abandoned indigenous forestry on public lands, the management being vested in a single conservation department. In New Zealand the production emphasis has mostly moved to sustainable plantation forestry, whereas in Australia, despite recommendations to halt or markedly reduce old growth forest logging, the transition to primary dependence on plantation production has yet to occur.



Author(s):  
Angela Middleton

Prior to the arrival of the first small group of Protestant evangelical missionaries to New Zealand in 1814, there were only intermittent, occasionally violent encounters between indigenous Māori and Europeans, predominantly sojourners such as explorers and sealers. Missionaries established the first European settlement in the northern part of the country, under the auspices of a Māori fortification. In 1840, British annexation took place; subsequently Māori were subjugated by a series of land wars and subsumed by a burgeoning settler population. As elsewhere in the New World, the processes of missionization in New Zealand became associated with the later events of colonization. This chapter examines the archaeology and history of missionization in New Zealand, briefly comparing these processes with those in other localities such as Australia and North America, and the specific ways in which missions contributed to the colonization of the country.



Author(s):  
Alan Cocker

It has been argued that “the history of New Zealand is unique because the period of pioneer colonization closely coincided with the invention and development of photography”1. However, as the first successfully recorded photograph in the country was not made until the late 1840s, the widespread use of photography came after the initial European settlement and its influence coincided more closely with the development of early tourism and with the exploration and later promotion of the country’s wild and remote places. The photographic partnership of William Hart and Charles Campbell followed the path of the gold miners into the hinterland of the South Island aware of its potential commercial photographic value. Photographers understood the “great public interest in what the colony looked like and inthe potential for features that would command international attention”2. Photography was promoted as presenting the world as it was, free of the interpretation of the artist. By the early 1880s the Hart, Campbell portfolio was extensive and their work featured at exhibitions in London, Sydney and Melbourne. Yet their photographs were criticised for fakery and William Hart’s photograph of Sutherland Falls, ‘the world’s highest waterfall’, promoted a quite inaccurate claim.







2014 ◽  
Vol 76 ◽  
pp. 25-28
Author(s):  
D.R. Stevens ◽  
J.P. Garden

The Central Otago region, with its cold winters and hot summers, and valley floors with uplift mountains is definitely "a world of difference". At the NZGA conference in Alexandra in 1966 John Hercus stated "Central Otago has a lure which sets it apart from the rest of New Zealand. Its characteristics of geology, topography and climate, its history of occupation and exploitation, its scenery at once forbidding and yet strangely fascinating - these features combine to cast a spell which few who have been exposed, can ever fully escape" (Hercus 1966). The region and its high country have an iconic status epitomised by the "Southern Man" stereotype. This places Central Otago deep in the psyche of the nation. With this goes a unique and significant set of conditions under which farming must take place. Not only does the region have the biophysical challenges of soils, water and climate to contend with, but a wider set of values, often imposed from elsewhere. Fifty years after that first conference we remain challenged. What are the opportunities in front of us and how should we best accommodate the challenge of maintaining a viable enterprise and at the same time, respecting the intense public and customer interest in our use of land and livestock? Central Otago and the associated high country of the Lakes district and McKenzie basin can be divided into three farming types. These are the valley floor irrigable type, the flat and downland dryland regions, and the high country. Each of these has challenges that are at times unique, but often overlap with problems faced in other regions.



1997 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 397-421 ◽  
Author(s):  
JOHN C. YALDWYN ◽  
GARRY J. TEE ◽  
ALAN P. MASON

A worn Iguanodon tooth from Cuckfield, Sussex, illustrated by Mantell in 1827, 1839, 1848 and 1851, was labelled by Mantell as the first tooth sent to Baron Cuvier in 1823 and acknowledged as such by Sir Charles Lyell. The labelled tooth was taken to New Zealand by Gideon's son Walter in 1859. It was deposited in a forerunner of the Museum of New Zealand, Wellington in 1865 and is still in the Museum, mounted on a card bearing annotations by both Gideon Mantell and Lyell. The history of the Gideon and Walter Mantell collection in the Museum of New Zealand is outlined, and the Iguanodon tooth and its labels are described and illustrated. This is the very tooth which Baron Cuvier first identified as a rhinoceros incisor on the evening of 28 June 1823.



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