Pragmatic motivations for the development of evidential and modal meaning in the construction “be supposed to X”

2006 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-71 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catie Berkenfield

The English construction “be supposed to X” is used in a variety of functions in Present-day English, including evidential, epistemic, and deontic functions. This research offers description and explanations for the development of the evidential, epistemic, and deontic functions from an earlier passive construction, through distinct processes of reanalysis (Hopper and Traugott 1993). I argue that the motivations for these semantic and syntactic shifts are motivated by pragmatic inferences based on: discourse function, discourse expectations about human subjects, frequency effects related to semantic properties of the construction in discourse, and reader-writer expectations about genre type. The results indicate that the evidential function is not part of the general category of epistemicity for this construction, following de Haan (1999, 2001b); that this construction does not exhibit the predicted pathway of semantic development from deontic to epistemic functions (Traugott 1989) due to constraints imposed by the source construction; and that genre plays an important role not only in the relative frequency of the construction (Biber et al. 1999), but also in the emergence of the deontic function diachronically. Finally, I situate the construction in relation to cross-linguistic patterns (Bybee et al. 1994), noting how it parallels broader patterns in the development of the deontic function.

2020 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 711-739
Author(s):  
Eva Maria Luef ◽  
Jong-Seung Sun

Abstract The frequency with which a word appears in the lexicon has implications for its pronunciation. Numerous studies have shown that high-frequency lemma are characterized by more phonetic reduction than lower-frequency lemma. These findings have proven to be particularly useful in the study of homophones where frequency-related reduction processes can give insights into lexical access theories. The majority of research on homophones and frequency effects has focused on heterographic and semantically unrelated homophones (e.g., English time – thyme) or investigated zero-derived homophones (e.g., English the cut, noun – to cut, verb). Here, zero inflection in German pluralization (e.g., ein Würfel ‘one die’– zwei Würfel ‘two dice’) was investigated to determine if and how frequency effects impact on the acoustic realization of the homophonous singular-plural word pairs. The findings indicate that the number-specified wordforms show acoustic variation related to wordform frequency and the relative frequency of the singular to plural inflected forms. Results differ for durations of wordforms, stem vowels, and final phonemes. Our findings have implications for lexical access theories and can inform about ‘frequency inheritance’ across the singular and plural homophones of the zero-inflected plurals.


2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 444-467 ◽  
Author(s):  
MICHELE I. FEIST ◽  
SARAH E. DUFFY

ABSTRACTThe Moving Ego and Moving Time metaphors have provided a fertile testing ground for the psychological reality of space–time metaphors. Despite this, little research has targeted the linguistic patterns used in these two mappings. To fill that gap, the current study uses corpus data to examine the use of motion verbs in two typologically different languages, English and Spanish. We first investigated the relative frequency of the two metaphors. Whereas we observed no difference in frequency in the Spanish data, our findings indicated that in English, Moving Time expressions are more prevalent than are Moving Ego expressions. Second, we focused on the patterns of use of the verbs themselves, asking whether well-known typological patterns in the expression of spatial motion would carry over to temporal motion. Specifically, we examined the frequencies of temporal uses of path and manner verbs in English and in Spanish. Contra the patterns observed in space, we observed a preference for path verbs in both languages, with this preference more strongly evident in English than in Spanish. In addition, our findings revealed greater use of motion verbs in temporal expressions in Spanish compared to English. These findings begin to outline constraints on the aspects of spatial conceptualization that are likely to be reused in the conceptualization of time.


Diachronica ◽  
1989 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-54 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominique Estival

SUMMARY The paper presents the results of a quantitative study of the evolution of the passive construction in English. Some of the syntactic environments studied (e.g., the presence of modifiers before the participle, passivization of indirect or prepositional objects, the passive of 'accusative object' verbs or of verbs with predicative complements) have been used as tests for the syntactic category of the passive participle (Wasow 1977). The relative frequency of these environments (and others, such as coordination) in a selection of texts from different periods provide evidence that the change in the grammar of English cannot be described as the introduction of a new rule forming verbal passives instead of adjectival passives (Lightfoot 1979), but is best explained by a change in the structural description of the passive rule, due to a reformulation of the rule in terms of the notion of internal argument (Williams 1981), instead of the notion of direct, or accusative, object of the active verb. RÉSUMÉ L'article présente ici les resultats d'une étude quantitative de l'évolution de la construction passive en anglais. Certains des environnements syntaxiques considérés (par exemple la présence de modificateurs du participe passé, la passivisation d'objets indirects ou prépositionnels, le passif du sujet de complément infinitifs ou de compléments prédicatifs) ont servis de tests pour la catégorie syntaxique du participe passé passif (Wasow 1977). La fréquence relative de ces environnements (ainsi que d'autres, tels que la coordination) dans une sélection de textes de différentes périodes prouve que le changement syntaxique survenue dans la grammaire de l'anglais ne peut être décrit comme l'introduction d'une nouvelle règle qui formerait des passifs verbaux par l'opposition à des passifs adjectivaux (Lightfoot 1979), mais doit s'expliquer par un changement de la description structurelle de la règle du passif, dû à une réformulation de la règle en termes de la notion d"argument interne' (Williams 1981), plutdht que de la notion d'objet direct, ou accusatif, du verbe actif. ZUSAMMENFASSUNG Der Aufsatz stellt das Ergebnis einer quantitativen Studie der historischen Entwicklung der Passivkonstruktion im Englischen dar. Einige der hier unter-suchten syntaktischen Umgebungen (etwa das Vorhandensein von Modifikato-ren vor der Partikel, die Passivisierung indirekter oder pràpositioneller Ob-jekte, das Passiv von 'Akkusativobjekt'-Verben oder von Verben mit prädika-tivem Komplement) sind als Test für die syntaktische Kategorie des Passivpar-tizips verwendet worden (Wasow 1977). Die relative Häufîgkeit dieser Umgebungen (und anderer, z.B. die der Koordination) in einer Textauswahl ver-schiedener Zeitabschnitte liefern den Nachweis, daß die Veränderung in der Grammatik des Englischen nicht als die Einführung einer neuen Regel, die verbale anstelle von adjektivalen Passivkonstruktionen bildet, beschrieben werden kann (Lightfoot 1979), sondern vielmehr als ein Wandel in der strukturellen Beschreibung der Passivregel, und zwar als Folge einer Neuformulierung der Regel nach MaBgabe des Prinzips eines 'internen Arguments' (Williams 1981)ß und nicht des eines direkten (Akkusativ-) Objekts des aktiven Verbs.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-107
Author(s):  
Enikő Tankó

Abstract This paper investigates the choice of Hungarian equivalents for the English passive construction in translated texts in order to have a glimpse on how translators deal with the English passive. In previous studies (Tankó 2011, 2014), we have looked at the problems encountered by L1 speakers of Hungarian in the acquisition of the English passive voice, having identified different Hungarian equivalents of the English passive that native speakers would resort to when expressing a passive meaning. A special attention has been paid to the Hungarian predicative verbal adverbial construction, which seems to be the closest syntactic equivalent of the English passive, which captures most of its syntactic or discourse function properties. The main question to pursue is whether L1 speakers of Hungarian use the same strategies as shown in previous studies or they choose some other structures to express the passive meaning when it comes to translating literary texts. On the other hand, we would like to analyse Hungarian contexts which require a translation using the passive in English. Thus, our corpus consists of Orwell’s 1984 and Jókai Mór’s Az arany ember, comparing them with their translated versions.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Mara Passos Guimarães

Abstract: This study investigated the influence of experience with L2 English in the processing of passives in L1 Brazilian Portuguese (BP) by high-proficiency bilinguals and BP monolinguals. Based on the premise that high L2 proficiency is indicative of widespread representational sharing (BERNOLET; HARTSUIKER; PICKERING, 2013) and on the observation that the passive is significantly more productive in English than in BP (GUIMARÃES; SOUZA, 2016), bilinguals’ processing of the construction is expected to be facilitated by L2 exposure. Subjects performed an acceptability judgment task and two sentence elicitation tasks. Both groups considered the passive as acceptable as the active, with no significant differences between the two groups’ judgments of the passive. Differences were found in the oral production of passives between bilinguals and monolinguals, but not in written production: task type influenced the production of monolinguals in that passive productivity fell significantly from the written to the oral task. The difference in productivity levels of the passive between bilinguals and monolinguals is attributed to bilinguals’ exposure to the construction’s distributional properties in the L2, supporting models of bilingual shared representations (HARTSUIKER; PICKERING; VELTKAMP, 2004).Keywords: bilingualism; frequency effects; L2 proficiency; passive construction; acceptability judgment; written production; oral production.Resumo: Este estudo investigou a influência da experiência com L2 inglês no processamento de passivas em L1 português brasileiro (PB) por bilíngues de alta proficiência e monolíngues do PB. Baseando-se na premissa de que alta proficiência em L2 é indicativa de compartilhamento generalizado de representações (BERNOLET; HARTSUIKER; PICKERING, 2013) e na observação de que a passiva é significativamente mais produtiva em inglês do que no PB (GUIMARÃES; SOUZA, 2016)propomos uma visão construcional da construção, na qual ela é tomada como entidade teórica independente. Apesar de sintaticamente congruente no português brasileiro (PB, espera-se que o processamento da construção por bilíngues seja facilitado pela exposição à L2.  A compreensão da construção foi observada através de uma tarefa de julgamento de aceitabilidade de sentenças, enquanto a produção foi observada a partir de duas tarefas de descrição de imagens (uma escrita e outra oral). Tanto bilíngues quando monolíngues julgaram a passiva tão aceitável quanto a ativa, sem diferença significativa nos julgamentos entre os dois perfis linguísticos. Apesar de as passivas terem sido menos frequentes do que as ativas nas tarefas de produção, o tipo de tarefa influenciou o número de ocorrências de passivas dentre os monolíngues: sua produção foi similar à dos bilíngues na tarefa escrita, mas significativamente menor na tarefa oral. A diferença nos níveis de produtividade de passivas entre bilíngues e monolíngues é atribuída à exposição dos bilíngues às propriedades distribucionais da construção na L2, corroborando modelos de compartilhamento representacional bilíngue (HARTSUIKER; PICKERING; VELTKAMP, 2004).Palavras-chave: bilinguismo; efeitos de frequência; proficiência em L2; construção passiva; julgamento de aceitabilidade; produção escrita; produção oral.


2006 ◽  
Vol 95 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 256-267 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. Hauggaard-Nielsen ◽  
M.K. Andersen ◽  
B. Jørnsgaard ◽  
E.S. Jensen

2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-89
Author(s):  
Xiaolong Yang ◽  
Yicheng Wu

Abstract Quantifier phrases (QP) can co-occur in a single sentence, which may cause ambiguity in terms of scope relation, viz. wide scope and narrow scope interpretations. Aoun & Li (1993) claim that quantifier scope ambiguity also exists in Chinese passive construction, such as yige nűren bei meige ren ma ‘a woman was scolded by everyone’. Following Lee (1986)’s proposal, it is argued in this paper that the scopal relations of Chinese QPs are not purely syntactic as in Aoun & Li’s analysis, but should be determined by the interaction between syntax, semantics, and pragmatics. Based on naturalistic data, it is shown that (i) Chinese QPs can be classified into whQP, distributive-universal QP and group-denoting QP, whose semantic properties determine the scope relations between them; (ii) in general, a QP is devoid of referentiality, yet it can acquire referentiality depending on its co-occurrence with other QPs or contextual factors; (iii) the subject definiteness constraint in Chinese, a language-specific constraint, would affect the interpretation of subject QPs in Chinese passive construction.


Rhema ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 74-100
Author(s):  
X. Semionova

The paper focuses on the semantic properties of Classical Armenian periphrastic verbal forms consisting of a participle in -eal and an auxiliary verb em ‘to be’ in past tense; the  data are  from Armenian translation of  four Gospels. The  pluperfect in Classical Armenian may function as past perfect representing resultative, stative, and experiential uses. Likewise, irreal (both hypothetical and counterfactual) and antiresultative meanings (non-achieved or  cancelled result) are  well attested. Finally, standard relative-tense uses are also frequent. The most important discourse function of pluperfect forms is related to marking «out-of-sequence» events. Cross-linguistically, this inventory of functions is more or less standard, but some details require further analysis.


Psihologija ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 46 (4) ◽  
pp. 497-537 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cyrus Shaoul ◽  
Chris Westbury ◽  
Harald Baayen

When asked to think about the subjective frequency of an n-gram (a group of n words), what properties of the n-gram influence the respondent? It has been recently shown that n-grams that occurred more frequently in a large corpus of English were read faster than n-grams that occurred less frequently (Arnon & Snider, 2010), an effect that is analogous to the frequency effects in word reading and lexical decision. The subjective frequency of words has also been extensively studied and linked to performance on linguistic tasks. We investigated the capacity of people to gauge the absolute and relative frequencies of n-grams. Subjective frequency ratings collected for 352 n-grams showed a strong correlation with corpus frequency, in particular for n-grams with the highest subjective frequency. These n-grams were then paired up and used in a relative frequency decision task (e.g. Is green hills more frequent than weekend trips?). Accuracy on this task was reliably above chance, and the trial-level accuracy was best predicted by a model that included the corpus frequencies of the whole n-grams. A computational model of word recognition (Baayen, Milin, Djurdjevic, Hendrix, & Marelli, 2011) was then used to attempt to simulate subjective frequency ratings, with limited success. Our results suggest that human n-gram frequency intuitions arise from the probabilistic information contained in n-grams.


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