Paleocene to Miocene migmatization and kinematics of the deformation at the northern boundary of the Xolapa Complex: implications for the Chortís Block-southern Mexico connection

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-21
Author(s):  
Alicia Sarmiento-Villagrana ◽  
Ricardo Vega-Granillo ◽  
Oscar Talavera-Mendoza ◽  
Joaquín Ruiz ◽  
Sergio Adrián Salgado-Souto
Geosphere ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mildred Zepeda-Martínez ◽  
Michelangelo Martini ◽  
Luigi A. Solari ◽  
Claudia C. Mendoza-Rosales

During Pangea breakup, several Jurassic extensional to transtensional basins were developed all around the world. The boundaries of these basins are major structures that accommodated continental extension during Jurassic time. Therefore, reconstructing the geometry of Jurassic basins is a key factor in identifying the major faults that produced continental attenuation during Pangea breakup. We reconstruct the tectono-sedimentary evolution of the Jurassic Tlaxiaco Basin in southern Mexico using sedimentologic, petrographic, and U-Pb geochronologic data. We show that the northern boundary of the Tlaxiaco Basin was an area of high relief composed of the Paleozoic Acatlán Complex, which was drained to the south by a set of alluvial fans. The WNW-trending Salado River–Axutla fault is exposed directly to the north of the northernmost fan exposures, and it is interpreted as the Jurassic structure that controlled the tectono-sedimentary evolution of the Tlaxiaco Basin at its northern boundary. The eastern boundary is represented by a topographic high composed of the Proterozoic Oaxacan Complex, which was exhumed along the NNW-trending Caltepec fault and was drained to the west by a major meandering river called the Tlaxiaco River. Data presented in this work suggest that continental extension during Pangea breakup was accommodated in Mexico not only by NNW-trending faults associated with the development of the Tamaulipas–Chiapas transform and the opening of the Gulf of Mexico, but also by WNW-trending structures. Our work offers a new perspective for future studies that aim to reconstruct the breakup evolution of western equatorial Pangea.


2016 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-143
Author(s):  
Julie Boyles

An ethnographic case study approach to understanding women’s actions and reactions to husbands’ emigration—or potential emigration—offers a distinct set of challenges to a U.S.-based researcher.  International migration research in a foreign context likely offers challenges in language, culture, lifestyle, as well as potential gender norm impediments. A mixed methods approach contributed to successfully overcoming barriers through an array of research methods, strategies, and tactics, as well as practicing flexibility in data gathering methods. Even this researcher’s influence on the research was minimized and alleviated, to a degree, through ascertaining common ground with many of the women. Research with the women of San Juan Guelavía, Oaxaca, Mexico offered numerous and constant challenges, each overcome with ensuing rewards.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey H. Cohen ◽  
Bernardo Rios ◽  
Lise Byars

Rural Oaxacan migrants are defined as quintessential transnational movers, people who access rich social networks as they move between rural hometowns in southern Mexico and the urban centers of southern California.  The social and cultural ties that characterize Oaxacan movers are critical to successful migrations, lead to jobs and create a sense of belonging and shared identity.  Nevertheless, migration has socio-cultural, economic and psychological costs.  To move the discussion away from a framework that emphasizes the positive transnational qualities of movement we focus on the costs of migration for Oaxacans from the state’s central valleys and Sierra regions.   


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samantha Yahel García Hernández ◽  
◽  
Dante J. Morán-Zenteno ◽  
Barbara M. Martiny ◽  
Gustavo Tolson

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hermes Martín García Rodríguez ◽  
◽  
Dante J. Morán-Zenteno ◽  
Barbara M. Martiny

Author(s):  
Nancy Farriss

Language and translation governed the creation of Mexican Christianity during the first centuries of colonial rule. Spanish missionaries collaborated with indigenous intellectuals to communicate the gospel in dozens of local languages that had previously lacked grammars, dictionaries, or alphabetic script. The major challenge to translators, more serious than the absence of written aids or the great diversity of languages and their phonetic and syntactical complexity, was the vast cultural difference between the two worlds. The lexical gaps that frustrated the search for equivalence in conveying fundamental Christian doctrines derived from cultural gaps that separated European experiences and concepts from those of the Indians. This study focuses on the Otomangue languages of Oaxaca in southern Mexico, especially Zapotec, and relates their role in the Dominican evangelizing program to the larger frame of culture contact in postconquest Mesoamerica. Fine-grained analysis of translated texts is used to reveal the rhetorical strategies of missionary discourse and combines with an examination of language contact in different social contexts. A major aim is to spotlight the role of the native elites in shaping what emerged as a new form of Christianity. As translators, chief catechists, and parish administrators they made evangelization in many respects an indigenous enterprise and the Mexican church it created an indigenous church.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_2) ◽  
pp. 1727-1727
Author(s):  
Verónica Mundo-Rosas

Abstract Objectives To analyze the magnitude and distribution of food waste and insecurity in Mexico as a first step in designing public policies to counteract these problems. Methods Based on methodology proposed by Subirats et al. (2008), we analyzed the magnitude and distribution of food waste and insecurity in Mexico. Using scientific evidence and official data, we responded to the following guiding questions: What is the problem? What is the magnitude of the problem? Who are the population groups most affected by the problem and where do they reside? To what extent does coverage under current public policies address these problems? Results Problem: By 2050, the Mexican population will have grown by 22.9 million with respect to 2015. The country's capacity to produce the amount of food required in the future will depend largely on what proportion of the population has the necessary financial resources to acquire the food it needs, and whether food is equitably distributed. Magnitude of the problem: Mexico loses and wastes approximately 34% of the national production of items in the basic food basket while 26.4 million Mexicans lack sufficient income to acquire the quantity and quality of food they need. Those affected the most: From an environmental viewpoint, the larger cities in Mexico constitute the principal production centers of food waste, among other residues. This causes air, land and water pollution at the regional level, as well as serious health problems in the population. From an ethical and nutritional perspective, food waste indirectly affects those experiencing food insecurity. Location of the affected population: In 2012, central Mexico was the largest generator of urban solid waste including organic and, specifically, food residues. Conversely, southern Mexico was the region most affected by food insecurity. Public policy coverage: Despite the magnitude of the problem, several Mexican states have no public policy in place to combat food waste or insecurity. Conclusions The evidence provided by our study contributes to decision making in the formulation of public policies aimed at reducing food loss and waste as well as food insecurity. It also serves to monitor progress towards the 2030 Sustainable Development Goals. Funding Sources None.


1968 ◽  
Vol 5 (6) ◽  
pp. 1401-1407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Doig ◽  
Jackson M. Barton Jr.

Potassium-argon ages have been determined for alkaline rocks, including carbonatites, from some fifteen localities in Quebec. Nine centers of intrusion, including two previously documented localities, yield ages in the range 400 to 600 million years. All but two of these are located on or very near the northern boundary fault of the St. Lawrence graben system. Included in this group are four carbonatites with remarkably similar ages of intrusion (565 m.y.). The existence of this widespread coeval igneous activity along a 1200-mile segment of the lowland area and its westward extension supports the hypothesis that the St. Lawrence graben is a continuous structure, and indicates that the system has been active for at least 600 million years.


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