scholarly journals An assessment of debt‐for‐education swaps. Case studies on swap initiatives between Germany and Indonesia and between Spain and El Salvador

2011 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Danny Cassimon ◽  
Dennis Essers ◽  
Robrecht Renard
Keyword(s):  
Build ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 169-184
Author(s):  
Mark Katz

The conclusion considers the value of the partnership between hip hop and diplomacy. Hip hop diplomacy has value in convening groups unlikely to collaborate otherwise; it can be a source of validation for hip hop artists and their communities; and it can generate a favorable view of the United States and good will towards its citizens. Such positive outcomes, however, are not automatic and require that programs be conducted with respect, humility, self-awareness and a willingness to collaborate with local partners. Although the State Department faced severe funding cuts in the first years of the Trump administration, hip hop diplomacy has remained well-funded, although its future is uncertain. Specific anecdotes and case studies come from Next Level programs in Bangladesh, El Salvador, and Morocco.


Author(s):  
Thomas R. Vargas

What explains why some governments advanced decentralized education in the 1990s while others shied away from such efforts? Some arguments suggest that decentralization was pursued to improve the coverage and quality of education. Others point to partisanship, ideology, or diffusion. Drawing on case studies of El Salvador and Paraguay, I argue instead that governments pursued education decentralization in part because it could be deployed as a political weapon to weaken teachers’ unions affiliated with the opposition, thus depressing mobilization and votes for their rivals. These findings contribute to the literature on decentralization by highlighting a new political motivation fueling decentralization efforts across the developing world—the demobilization of the opposition.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 50-68
Author(s):  
Zdeněk Rod ◽  
Michal Himmer

The recent considerable loss of many of Taiwan’s diplomatic allies remains unchanged. The authors of the article focus on the period between 2016 and 2018, when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) established its diplomatic ties with Taiwan’s former allies such as Gambia, Burkina Faso, the Dominican Republic, Panama, São Tomé and Príncipe and El Salvador. The aim is to explore whether the diplomatic transition was the outcome of dollar diplomacy alone, or if there were further motivations influencing the recognition process. The diplomatic overturn was analysed within six case studies with a specific focus on the non-economic motivations. In conclusion, the authors found out that the examined cases are different from each other – in terms of not only the motivations themselves but also the ‘levels’ of these motivations. In most of the cases, it was possible to detect at least one significant non-economic motivation for the diplomatic switch.


Author(s):  
Juan Muñoz-Portillo ◽  
Ilka Treminio

This chapter studies presidential term limits—understood as limits on presidential re-elections and term lengths—in four Central American electoral democracies: Costa Rica, El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras. Its contribution is threefold. First, it explains the evolution of these institutions as part of the political development process of these polities after independence from Spain. Second, the chapter conducts two emblematic case studies of the politics of recent term limits reforms in Latin America via constitutional reviews: Costa Rica (1999–2003) and Honduras (2009 and 2015). Finally, it examines the consequences of term limits for democracy and policymaking. In this regard, it argues that term lengths affect policymaking in Costa Rica and Honduras, and that the political institutions in these countries combined with the popularity of ex-presidents make presidential re-elections possible. In contrast, in El Salvador and Guatemala the influence of term limits is offset by formal and informal constraints.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 76-101
Author(s):  
PETER M. SANCHEZ

AbstractThis paper examines the actions of one Salvadorean priest – Padre David Rodríguez – in one parish – Tecoluca – to underscore the importance of religious leadership in the rise of El Salvador's contentious political movement that began in the early 1970s, when the guerrilla organisations were only just beginning to develop. Catholic leaders became engaged in promoting contentious politics, however, only after the Church had experienced an ideological conversion, commonly referred to as liberation theology. A focus on one priest, in one parish, allows for generalisation, since scores of priests, nuns and lay workers in El Salvador followed the same injustice frame and tactics that generated extensive political mobilisation throughout the country. While structural conditions, collective action and resource mobilisation are undoubtedly necessary, the case of religious leaders in El Salvador suggests that ideas and leadership are of vital importance for the rise of contentious politics at a particular historical moment.


2014 ◽  
Vol 38 (01) ◽  
pp. 102-129
Author(s):  
ALBERTO MARTÍN ÁLVAREZ ◽  
EUDALD CORTINA ORERO

AbstractUsing interviews with former militants and previously unpublished documents, this article traces the genesis and internal dynamics of the Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo (People's Revolutionary Army, ERP) in El Salvador during the early years of its existence (1970–6). This period was marked by the inability of the ERP to maintain internal coherence or any consensus on revolutionary strategy, which led to a series of splits and internal fights over control of the organisation. The evidence marshalled in this case study sheds new light on the origins of the armed Salvadorean Left and thus contributes to a wider understanding of the processes of formation and internal dynamics of armed left-wing groups that emerged from the 1960s onwards in Latin America.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document