The CPSU as an Integrative Force

1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Thomas Oleszczuk

Clearly, what we have in the Soviet Union is a condition of continuity and change. We have radicals who see the Communist Party as an overwhelmingly dominant force, even omnipotent. We have former Communists, like Yeltsin, decrying the Communist Party as an “enemy within” to be overcome. At the same time, Yeltsin has recently joined with Gorbachev because he sees other enemies even more powerful. On the other hand, we have conservatives who have taken the place of reformers (at Gorbachev's initiative) at the Center, who, as they have regained power and influence at the Center, have become not appeased, but increasingly dissatisfied; who have decried what they feel is the loss of power by the Communist Party; who have denounced Gorbachev's leadership virulently. And yet, they too, at the last minute, decided to make common cause and refused to accept his resignation, even though many of them, like the radicals, had called for just that. What is going on? Is the Party integrating the system or not?

1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
BAOHUI ZHANG

Recent studies of democratization generally emphasize the role of elites and political pacts in transitions to democracy. They usually give little attention to the institutional conditions for elite's successful pact making. This article argues that although choices by elites are important, pact making does require certain institutional conditions. By examining the democratization experiences of Spain, Brazil, the Soviet Union, and China in 1989, this article argues that only some types of authoritarian regimes have the historical possibility of following a pacted transition. Specifically, the author argues that corporatist regimes have unique advantages in following such a path. On the other hand, the totalitarian institutional legacies of once-entrenched communist regimes left democratic oppositions as broadly based social movements and their leaders with strong populist tendencies. These, the author argues, create structural obstacles to democratization through elite's pactmaking for these regimes.


2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Drake

This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.


Author(s):  
Franz Neumann

This chapter examines the significance of the Free Germany Manifesto to the German people. Three facts made the Free Germany Manifesto significant: the backing it apparently received from the Soviet Union; the revolutionary implication of the manifesto; and its appeal to the desire for national self-preservation. The chapter first provides an overview of the content of the Free Germany Manifesto before discussing its target groups, which included workers, peasants, those strata of the middle classes which have been proletarized in the process of total mobilization, and a large part of the intelligentsia. It then considers National Bolshevism and its two origins, one in the Communist Party of Germany and the other in the nationalistic organizations, especially the Free Corps. It also analyzes the strength of communism and of other anti-Nazi groups in Germany.


2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine Lecours

Soon after the opening of hostilities between Iran and Iraq in September 1980, the Soviet Union offered military assistance to Tehran while simultaneously suspending arms deliveries to Baghdad, a formerly faithful client. Following Iran s refusal of assistance, and possibly in reaction to a percieved threat from the spreading of Iran's Islamic revolution, Moscow re-opened arms shipments to Iraq. This ambivalent behavior on the part of the Soviet Union is partially explained by the history of its interests in the region. The Soviet Union has long Had strategic ambitions to bring Iran under its influence. Moscow welcomed any opportunity to increase economic and political des with Tehran even if in the short term the results were only partial. On the other hand, Iraq is an influential member of the Arab community - a useful relationship for the USSR, and one that while mutually1987 advantageous for both parties, has not required extensive commitments. One cannot ignore the possibility that important events in the Gulf War will cause an abrupt shift in Soviet attitudes and actions in the region.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Mark Tolts

The article examines the adequacy of contemporary estimates of the total population of the Soviet Union based on the 1939 census. To do so, it analyzes the instructions for filling in the census form. Comparison of the better worded 1959 census instructions with the poorly worded instructions of the 1939 census shows that the latter created possibilities for double counting of the population. These findings confirm the validity of the lowest estimate of the total population of the USSR based on the 1939 census, given by the famous Russian demographer Andrei G. Volkov, which stood at only 167.6 million people. The impact of the inter-republic reallocation of prisoners’ census forms was also estimated. For the entire population of Russia these estimates do not, for most indicators, change the picture previously known from the official census results. On the other hand, for Ukraine and especially Kazakhstan, the recalculations produced noticeable changes, in some cases resulting in significant corrections of the composition of the pre-war population.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
James G. Blight ◽  
janet Lang

Drawing on “critical oral history” conferences held after the demise of the Soviet Union, this article seeks to explain why the détente in U.S.-Soviet relations collapsed at the end of the 1970s. Both the U.S. president, Jimmy Carter, and the Soviet Communist Party leader, Leonid Brezhnev, had sought to improve bilateral ties, but instead they found that the relationship deteriorated and then broke down altogether after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan. The article suggests that neither side had a sufficient appreciation of how the other side perceived the relationship. The authors argue that the critical oral history helped officials on both sides to develop a sense of empathy for how the other side viewed its own interests and objectives. Empathy does not imply any sympathy; instead, it merely entails an effort to understand the other side's perceptions and goals. Presenting excerpts from an oral history conference, the authors argue that greater empathy in the policymaking process might have helped to avoid an outcome that neither side desired.


2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 250

AbstractThe article-a revised version of the authors' contribution to the International Symposium "Bilingualism in Iranian Cultures" held 1992 in Bamberg (Germany)-deals with the problem of the introduction of new, or the reforming of already existing alphabets. It tries to illustrate how collective bi- and multilingualism, i. e. the use of different languages within a certain social community, affects the development of writing-systems, and how, on the other hand, these systems affect certain aspects of multilingualism. This is shown on the example of Tajik-Persian, Baluchi, Shughni and Jaghnobi, spanning the time from the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Soviet Union. The related tables concern: 1) The introduction of the Latin script for the Iranian languages of the Soviet Union, 2) its abolishment; 3) the vowels of Baluchi language; 4) the vowels of Shughni language; 5) the vowels of Jaghnobi language; 6) Examples of the Latin script for Tajik-Persian language as introduced in 1928; 7) Examples of the Latin script for Baluchi language as introduced in 1933; 8) Examples of the Latin script for Shughni language as introduced in 1930.


1990 ◽  
Vol 30 (S1) ◽  
pp. 71-72

The ICRC travelled to the Soviet Union on several occasions, in particular to Moscow, Vilnius, Minsk, Kiev, Tashkent and Boukhara. The aim of the visits was, on the one hand, to develop contacts with Red Cross and Red Crescent representatives and government officials, and on the other hand, to participate in seminars on international humanitarian law and human rights.


2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 467-475
Author(s):  
Witold Małecki

In 1956, the Soviet legal science resumed discussion on the structure of the legal system, in particular — its division into branches. In the years 1938–1956, as a result of rejecting the concept of unified economic law, Soviet science did not use the category of “economic law” at all. The first scholar who in 1956 re-proposed the separation of economic law in the Soviet legal system was Vramshap Samsonovich Tadevosyan. His arguments for the separation of economic law referred to both practical (pragmatic) and theoretical reasons. On the one hand, Tadevosyan pointed out that the separation of economic law would contribute to improving the legal system of national economy management, which would be conducive to the implementation of the sixth five-year plan, adopted at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. On the other hand, he emphasized that regulating the functioning of the national economy by the provisions of civil law — as has been the case so far — was unacceptable due to the incompatibility of relations within the national economy with the civil law paradigm. Tadevosyan saw economic law as one from among the three branches of the Soviet legal system — the other branches being state law and civil law.


Author(s):  
A. James McAdams

This book is a sweeping history of one of the most significant political institutions of the modern world. The communist party was a revolutionary idea long before its supporters came to power. The book argues that the rise and fall of communism can be understood only by taking into account the origins and evolution of this compelling idea. It shows how the leaders of parties in countries as diverse as the Soviet Union, China, Germany, Yugoslavia, Cuba, and North Korea adapted the original ideas of revolutionaries like Karl Marx and Vladimir Lenin to profoundly different social and cultural settings. The book is essential reading for anyone seeking to understand world communism and the captivating idea that gave it life.


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