scholarly journals Prawo gospodarcze w trychotomicznym podziale prawa Wramszapu Samsonowicza Tadewosjana

2021 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 467-475
Author(s):  
Witold Małecki

In 1956, the Soviet legal science resumed discussion on the structure of the legal system, in particular — its division into branches. In the years 1938–1956, as a result of rejecting the concept of unified economic law, Soviet science did not use the category of “economic law” at all. The first scholar who in 1956 re-proposed the separation of economic law in the Soviet legal system was Vramshap Samsonovich Tadevosyan. His arguments for the separation of economic law referred to both practical (pragmatic) and theoretical reasons. On the one hand, Tadevosyan pointed out that the separation of economic law would contribute to improving the legal system of national economy management, which would be conducive to the implementation of the sixth five-year plan, adopted at the 20th Congress of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union in 1956. On the other hand, he emphasized that regulating the functioning of the national economy by the provisions of civil law — as has been the case so far — was unacceptable due to the incompatibility of relations within the national economy with the civil law paradigm. Tadevosyan saw economic law as one from among the three branches of the Soviet legal system — the other branches being state law and civil law.

2004 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 115-119 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Drake

This essay reviews two books that provide diverging views of the relationship between the Italian Communist Party (PCI) and the Soviet Union. The first book, a lengthy collection of declassified documents from the former Soviet archives, provides abundant evidence of the PCI's crucial dependence on Soviet funding. No Communist party outside the Soviet bloc depended more on Soviet funding over the years than the PCI did. Vast amounts of money flowed from Moscow into the PCI's coffers. The Italian Communists maintained their heavy reliance on Soviet funding until the early 1980s. The other book discussed here a memoir by Gianni Cervetti, a former senior PCI financial official seeks to defend the party's policy and to downplay the importance of the aid provided by Moscow. Nonetheless, even Cervetti's book makes clear, if only inadvertently, that the link with the Soviet Union helped spark the broader collapse of Marxism-Leninism as a mobilizing force.


1990 ◽  
Vol 15 (03) ◽  
pp. 419-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eugene Huskey

The Soviet political system is made up of three major institutions: the Communist Party, the parliament, and the government. Whereas the first two have changed dramatically under perestroika, the government has continued to function in more traditional ways. Most worrying to reformists, the government–the Soviet Union's “executive branch”–has used its broad rulemaking authority to impede the transformation of Soviet politics and society. This essay examines the role of governmental rules in the Soviet political and legal system. It concludes, following the lead of Soviet reformists, that without a fundamental restructuring of government making authority, legal, political, and economic reform in the Soviet Union cannot be institutionalized.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-144
Author(s):  
Tomasz Gajownik

The non-aggression pact concluded in November 1932 between France and the Soviet Union was on the one hand the peak achievement of French diplomacy in implementing the plan of strengthening influence in Central and Eastern Europe, and on the other the growing position of Moscow in the international arena. The signed document was the first inter-state agreement concluded by France and the USSR. From the perspective of the Second Polish Republic, the Franco-Soviet rapprochement could have had certain unfavorable consequences. That is why both civilian and military factors closely watched the negotiation process between both parties and tried to determine the actual state of bilateral relations.


Author(s):  
Franz Neumann

This chapter examines the significance of the Free Germany Manifesto to the German people. Three facts made the Free Germany Manifesto significant: the backing it apparently received from the Soviet Union; the revolutionary implication of the manifesto; and its appeal to the desire for national self-preservation. The chapter first provides an overview of the content of the Free Germany Manifesto before discussing its target groups, which included workers, peasants, those strata of the middle classes which have been proletarized in the process of total mobilization, and a large part of the intelligentsia. It then considers National Bolshevism and its two origins, one in the Communist Party of Germany and the other in the nationalistic organizations, especially the Free Corps. It also analyzes the strength of communism and of other anti-Nazi groups in Germany.


2018 ◽  
pp. 35
Author(s):  
Oliver Musa Noyan

The following bachelor thesis will deal with the policy of national minorities in the Soviet Republic of Georgia and its impact on the wars of secession in the early 1990s. The analysis will be framed in a center- periphery model to explain the complex struggle between the soviet authorities in Moscow and Tbilisi on the one hand, and Tbilisi and its autonomous regions of Abkhazia and South Ossetia on the other hand throughout the 20th century. The paper tries to examine the contemporary ethnic conflicts in Georgia though the lenses of an historical conflict-analysis to show the deeper historical roots of those frozen conflicts and the effects of the policy of nationalities in the Soviet Union on those conflicts.


Istoriya ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (11 (109)) ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Evgenia Tokareva

In the extremely difficult international situation of the second half of the 1930s, relations between the USSR and the Vatican occupied a very insignificant place. This is partly why the sources that would cover this problem more prominently are very scarce. Under these conditions, the Soviet press becomes an important and still insufficiently appreciated source. With the general strict censorship of the press of this period, it allows us to identify various, but sometimes quite significant nuances of perception of the Vatican policy in the Soviet Union. The first event that influenced some reassessment of the image of the Vatican was the VII Congress of the Comintern, held in 1935, which put forward the tactics of a united front, which assumed, among other things, cooperation with confessional organizations of workers, and even with the petty-bourgeois strata of the population. In the light of this new tactic, a certain line is beginning to be drawn, albeit almost imperceptibly and even, perhaps, unwittingly, between the Vatican as a political force and the national structures of the Catholic Church. A more noticeable reassessment of the image of the Vatican took place in 1938, when the differences between Italian fascism, German Nazism, on the one hand, and the Vatican, on the other, on racial problems and on the issue of the persecution of the Catholic Church became obvious and could not fail to attract the attention of Soviet diplomats and, following them, the Soviet press. The subsequent election of Pope Pius XII to the papal throne in 1939 allows us to strengthen this line and enrich it with attention to the Vatican's peacemaking policy. But the conclusion of the Molotov — Ribbentrop pact once again returns the image of the Vatican to its supposedly political conjuncture, but this time in the interests of the other side, which has now become the main opponent of the USSR, i. e. England and France. And only the German attack on the USSR allows for a brief moment to see the possibility of forming a different image of the Vatican, an opponent of racism and fascism in all its manifestations. A careful reading of the press allows us to draw a preliminary conclusion about the absence of a clearly developed and formulated position of the governing bodies of the Soviet Union in relation to the Vatican, which varied, albeit slightly, depending on changes in the foreign policy interests of the Soviet state.


1957 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-54
Author(s):  
Alvin Z. Rubinstein

The post-Stalinist interest shown by the Soviet Union in the non-aligned nations of Southern Asia has been accompanied by a corresponding increase in the quantity and quality of material dealing with this area appearing in leading Soviet scholarly journals. Though there has been the usual spate of propagandistic articles lauding the growing evidences of expanding cultural, economic, and political relations between the Soviet Union on the one hand, and India, Afghanistan, Burma, and Indonesia on the other, it would be a mistake to dismiss all such Soviet endeavors as unworthy of serious attention. Much of the material reflects a diligent effort by Soviet orientalists to analyze the past and the present of the nations of Southern Asia with a view toward making up for the previous period of flagrant neglect.


2004 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-200
Author(s):  
Y. Stotyka

In 1991 Ukraine became an independent state, abandoned central planning, and started the transformation of its economy. The country inherited a highly monopolised structure of economy from the Soviet Union, therefore demonopolisation and the development of competition have been among the main areas where structural changes were necessary. The present study gives a comprehensive picture of the development of antitrust policy in the Ukraine from 1992 to 2002 through an assessment of evolving competition policy and examination of the policy's implementation. On the one hand, the development of competition policy in the Ukraine included the establishment of rules and appropriate procedures, as well as the creation of a proper institutional framework. On the other hand, the lack of a unified state approach to the reformation of the economy in general and to the problems of the development of competition in particular could be observed. The actions of different state organs were not synchronised, and competition policy in the Ukraine failed to become the main element of the economic policy setup.


Author(s):  
Anna V. Kryzhan ◽  

This article dwells on improving the efficiency of people’s courts, which were a fundamental element of the Soviet judicial system, and on establishing control over their activities. The chronological framework of the paper covers the mid-1920s, when the results of the 1922 judicial reform had been put in practice and the key problems of the people’s courts became apparent. The article analyses the notion of the people’s court, which, on the one hand, reflects the essence of the judicial body making excessive use of the institution of elected people’s assessors in its work, and, on the other hand, levels the class essence of the Soviet court. Turning to documentary sources and archival materials, the author dwells on the main tasks of the new state power in organizing the activity of the people’s courts. It is emphasized that these courts were subject to scrutiny by the People’s Commissariat for Justice not just due to the objective need to establish their normal work, but also as a result of the increased confrontation between the Commissariat and the Supreme Court of the Soviet Union, especially over the supervision of the judicial work of provincial courts and people’s courts. Having analysed the Instruction on the Audit Procedure of People’s Courts by Provincial Courts issued in 1924, the author points out that the Commissariat aimed not only to administer the work of the people’s courts, but also to assist them in improving their activities and solving problems. The author concludes that, in addition to formal reasons due to the limited number of judicial institutions, incompetent personnel and inadequate funding, the normalization of the work of the people’s courts was also hindered by a conceptual contradiction. On the one hand, the authorities aimed to create a civilized law that would demonstrate to the whole world the advantages of the Soviet system, and, on the other, to establish the class principle in the work of people’s courts.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document