scholarly journals L’URSS face à la guerre du Golfe, une stratégie singulière

2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine Lecours

Soon after the opening of hostilities between Iran and Iraq in September 1980, the Soviet Union offered military assistance to Tehran while simultaneously suspending arms deliveries to Baghdad, a formerly faithful client. Following Iran s refusal of assistance, and possibly in reaction to a percieved threat from the spreading of Iran's Islamic revolution, Moscow re-opened arms shipments to Iraq. This ambivalent behavior on the part of the Soviet Union is partially explained by the history of its interests in the region. The Soviet Union has long Had strategic ambitions to bring Iran under its influence. Moscow welcomed any opportunity to increase economic and political des with Tehran even if in the short term the results were only partial. On the other hand, Iraq is an influential member of the Arab community - a useful relationship for the USSR, and one that while mutually1987 advantageous for both parties, has not required extensive commitments. One cannot ignore the possibility that important events in the Gulf War will cause an abrupt shift in Soviet attitudes and actions in the region.

1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
BAOHUI ZHANG

Recent studies of democratization generally emphasize the role of elites and political pacts in transitions to democracy. They usually give little attention to the institutional conditions for elite's successful pact making. This article argues that although choices by elites are important, pact making does require certain institutional conditions. By examining the democratization experiences of Spain, Brazil, the Soviet Union, and China in 1989, this article argues that only some types of authoritarian regimes have the historical possibility of following a pacted transition. Specifically, the author argues that corporatist regimes have unique advantages in following such a path. On the other hand, the totalitarian institutional legacies of once-entrenched communist regimes left democratic oppositions as broadly based social movements and their leaders with strong populist tendencies. These, the author argues, create structural obstacles to democratization through elite's pactmaking for these regimes.


Open Theology ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stanislav Panin

AbstractThe article concentrates on the history of Astral Karate, its doctrine and sources. Astral Karate was a late-Soviet eclectic spiritual movement based on esoteric interpretations of martial arts and yoga. The term “Astral Karate” had spread in the 1980s thanks to spiritual leader and underground esoteric author Valery Averianov who called himself Guru Var Avera. On one hand, the movement reflected global tendencies, such as growing interest in Eastern cultures and spirituality, that characterized esoteric groups in the USSR as well as in the USA and Europe during this period. On the other hand, esoteric groups in the Soviet Union developed in isolation from European and American esoteric currents and under unique ideological and legal pressures. The combination of these factors contributed to the originality of late-Soviet esoteric currents and therefore makes Astral Karate an important object of academic inquiry, which helps us to understand the specifics of Soviet spirituality and its further developments in post- Soviet states


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-32
Author(s):  
Vladimir Bobrovnikov ◽  
Artemy M. Kalinovsky

Abstract Fazliddin Muhammadiev’s Dar on dunyo (“In the other world”), first published in Tajik in 1965 and later translated to Russian, Uzbek, and many other languages, is the only known fictionalized account of the ḥajj produced in the Soviet Union. Based on a trip made by the author in 1963, the novel provided the Soviet reader a rare glimpse into this sacred rite. Drawing on archival sources, contemporary responses, and the text itself, this article traces the origins and publication history of the novel, situates it within Soviet domestic and foreign policy goals, and analyzes the text to see how the author tried to reconcile competing ideological priorities.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Mark Tolts

The article examines the adequacy of contemporary estimates of the total population of the Soviet Union based on the 1939 census. To do so, it analyzes the instructions for filling in the census form. Comparison of the better worded 1959 census instructions with the poorly worded instructions of the 1939 census shows that the latter created possibilities for double counting of the population. These findings confirm the validity of the lowest estimate of the total population of the USSR based on the 1939 census, given by the famous Russian demographer Andrei G. Volkov, which stood at only 167.6 million people. The impact of the inter-republic reallocation of prisoners’ census forms was also estimated. For the entire population of Russia these estimates do not, for most indicators, change the picture previously known from the official census results. On the other hand, for Ukraine and especially Kazakhstan, the recalculations produced noticeable changes, in some cases resulting in significant corrections of the composition of the pre-war population.


1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Thomas Oleszczuk

Clearly, what we have in the Soviet Union is a condition of continuity and change. We have radicals who see the Communist Party as an overwhelmingly dominant force, even omnipotent. We have former Communists, like Yeltsin, decrying the Communist Party as an “enemy within” to be overcome. At the same time, Yeltsin has recently joined with Gorbachev because he sees other enemies even more powerful. On the other hand, we have conservatives who have taken the place of reformers (at Gorbachev's initiative) at the Center, who, as they have regained power and influence at the Center, have become not appeased, but increasingly dissatisfied; who have decried what they feel is the loss of power by the Communist Party; who have denounced Gorbachev's leadership virulently. And yet, they too, at the last minute, decided to make common cause and refused to accept his resignation, even though many of them, like the radicals, had called for just that. What is going on? Is the Party integrating the system or not?


2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 250

AbstractThe article-a revised version of the authors' contribution to the International Symposium "Bilingualism in Iranian Cultures" held 1992 in Bamberg (Germany)-deals with the problem of the introduction of new, or the reforming of already existing alphabets. It tries to illustrate how collective bi- and multilingualism, i. e. the use of different languages within a certain social community, affects the development of writing-systems, and how, on the other hand, these systems affect certain aspects of multilingualism. This is shown on the example of Tajik-Persian, Baluchi, Shughni and Jaghnobi, spanning the time from the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Soviet Union. The related tables concern: 1) The introduction of the Latin script for the Iranian languages of the Soviet Union, 2) its abolishment; 3) the vowels of Baluchi language; 4) the vowels of Shughni language; 5) the vowels of Jaghnobi language; 6) Examples of the Latin script for Tajik-Persian language as introduced in 1928; 7) Examples of the Latin script for Baluchi language as introduced in 1933; 8) Examples of the Latin script for Shughni language as introduced in 1930.


Slavic Review ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 204-216 ◽  
Author(s):  
Donald D. Egbert

The Arts of Bulgaria since World War II are of considerable interest for the history of art largely because they so directly demonstrate what happens to the arts of a previously non-Communist country under Soviet dominance. Since the Communist take-over, not only has Bulgarian art directly reflected the Soviet political line but it has done this even more thoroughly than the art of the Soviet Union itself. For beautiful Bulgaria is such a compact and homogeneous little country—about 325 miles long and 215 miles wide, with a population of only 8 million people, about 90 percent of whom are of specifically Bulgarian stock—that its Communist government can control the arts with far greater ease than can the regime of so enormous and racially diversified a nation as the Soviet Union. Even long before World War II, Slavic Bulgaria had closer cultural links with Slavic Russia than did any of the other countries that fell under Soviet political domination as a consequence of the war. As might therefore have been expected, its arts have reflected the influence of the Soviet aesthetic of “socialist realism”—and the distinct but related and highly relevant Stalinist formula of an art “national in form and socialist in content”—more directly than have those of the other “satellites.”


1990 ◽  
Vol 30 (S1) ◽  
pp. 71-72

The ICRC travelled to the Soviet Union on several occasions, in particular to Moscow, Vilnius, Minsk, Kiev, Tashkent and Boukhara. The aim of the visits was, on the one hand, to develop contacts with Red Cross and Red Crescent representatives and government officials, and on the other hand, to participate in seminars on international humanitarian law and human rights.


Slavic Review ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rustam Alexander

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, almost three decades after consensual sodomy was declared a crime in the USSR, voices began to speak out in favor of its decriminalization. This article traces the history of the ensuing debate on this issue, conducted between Soviet criminologists and legal academics in the period from 1965–75. Through a close reading of the related texts, I explore the evolution of the different positions put forward. These fall into two camps: on the one hand, legal scholars who, together with their graduate students, made the case for decriminalization, and on the other, criminologists affiliated with the Interior Ministry, who opposed their views. The article provides the first detailed historical account of this extraordinary discussion and contributes to expanding our scant knowledge on the history of homosexuality in the Soviet Union.


Educatio ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 582-591
Author(s):  
Tibor Darvai

Összefoglaló. Az 1950-es évek közepétől kezdve lehetőség nyílt a pszichológia legitim művelésére a Szovjetunióban és az érdekszférájába tartozó országokban, így Magyarországon is. A diszkreditáció megszűnése érvényes volt a pszichológia egyik alkalmazott területére, a neveléslélektanra is. E változássorozat egyik elemeként 1956-ot követően az egyetemi-akadémiai mezőben sorra születtek a neveléslélektani kandidátusi disszertációk először a neveléstudomány, majd az 1960-as években már a pszichológia tudományának területén. Ezzel párhuzamosan a hatvanas években létrejött a neveléslélektannak egy másik iránya, mely nem az egyetemi-akadémiai, hanem a főiskolai szférához tartozott. Kutatásunkban e két neveléslélektani irányzat kialakulásának történetét és főbb jellemzőit tárjuk fel. Summary. From the mid-1950s, there was an opportunity to cultivate psychology legitimately in the Soviet Union and in the countries belonging to its sphere of interest, including Hungary. The termination of the discredition was valid for all the psychological fields as well as for educational psychology. As one of the results of this change, after 1956, academic-university level Candidate dissertations were published, one after the other in educational psychology, first in the field of educational science and then in psychology, in the 1960s. At the same time, another direction of educational psychology emerged which belonged not to the academic-university level but to the college sphere. In our research, we will reveal the main features and the history of the development of these two educational psychological directions.


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