scholarly journals The results of the 1939 Soviet census: two problems of adequacy

2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 121-134
Author(s):  
Mark Tolts

The article examines the adequacy of contemporary estimates of the total population of the Soviet Union based on the 1939 census. To do so, it analyzes the instructions for filling in the census form. Comparison of the better worded 1959 census instructions with the poorly worded instructions of the 1939 census shows that the latter created possibilities for double counting of the population. These findings confirm the validity of the lowest estimate of the total population of the USSR based on the 1939 census, given by the famous Russian demographer Andrei G. Volkov, which stood at only 167.6 million people. The impact of the inter-republic reallocation of prisoners’ census forms was also estimated. For the entire population of Russia these estimates do not, for most indicators, change the picture previously known from the official census results. On the other hand, for Ukraine and especially Kazakhstan, the recalculations produced noticeable changes, in some cases resulting in significant corrections of the composition of the pre-war population.

2004 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 16-17
Author(s):  
Fuad Ismayilov

Azerbaijan is a nation with a Turkic population which regained its independence after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. It has an area of approximately 86 000 km2. Georgia and Armenia, the other countries comprising the Transcaucasian region, border Azerbaijan to the north and west, respectively. Russia also borders the north, Iran and Turkey the south, and the Caspian Sea borders the east. The total population is about 8 million. The largest ethnic group is Azeri, comprising 90% of the population; Dagestanis comprise 3.2%, Russians 2.5%, Armenians 2% and others 2.3%.


1994 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
BAOHUI ZHANG

Recent studies of democratization generally emphasize the role of elites and political pacts in transitions to democracy. They usually give little attention to the institutional conditions for elite's successful pact making. This article argues that although choices by elites are important, pact making does require certain institutional conditions. By examining the democratization experiences of Spain, Brazil, the Soviet Union, and China in 1989, this article argues that only some types of authoritarian regimes have the historical possibility of following a pacted transition. Specifically, the author argues that corporatist regimes have unique advantages in following such a path. On the other hand, the totalitarian institutional legacies of once-entrenched communist regimes left democratic oppositions as broadly based social movements and their leaders with strong populist tendencies. These, the author argues, create structural obstacles to democratization through elite's pactmaking for these regimes.


1977 ◽  
Vol 71 (2) ◽  
pp. 468-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaheen F. Dil

The July 17, 1973 coup serves as a case study of the nature and extent of great-power interest and involvement in Afghanistan. The dynamics of American, Soviet, and Chinese interaction are multifaceted and volatile, and imply that no one great power had outright control. Thus, this treatment concerns influence rather than control, and multilateral interaction rather than unilateral or bilateral action. The differing interests of the great powers in Afghanistan are outlined. Next, the possibility of great-power involvement in the coup is examined. Finally, the impact of the coup upon Afghanistan's relations with the three great powers is considered. Available material suggests that neither the United States nor the People's Republic of China had sufficient interest or influence to instigate the coup. Nor is there any concrete evidence that the Soviet Union played a significant role, although it did have the opportunity, influence, and interests to do so.


2005 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 785-800 ◽  
Author(s):  
Francine Lecours

Soon after the opening of hostilities between Iran and Iraq in September 1980, the Soviet Union offered military assistance to Tehran while simultaneously suspending arms deliveries to Baghdad, a formerly faithful client. Following Iran s refusal of assistance, and possibly in reaction to a percieved threat from the spreading of Iran's Islamic revolution, Moscow re-opened arms shipments to Iraq. This ambivalent behavior on the part of the Soviet Union is partially explained by the history of its interests in the region. The Soviet Union has long Had strategic ambitions to bring Iran under its influence. Moscow welcomed any opportunity to increase economic and political des with Tehran even if in the short term the results were only partial. On the other hand, Iraq is an influential member of the Arab community - a useful relationship for the USSR, and one that while mutually1987 advantageous for both parties, has not required extensive commitments. One cannot ignore the possibility that important events in the Gulf War will cause an abrupt shift in Soviet attitudes and actions in the region.


1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-26
Author(s):  
Thomas Oleszczuk

Clearly, what we have in the Soviet Union is a condition of continuity and change. We have radicals who see the Communist Party as an overwhelmingly dominant force, even omnipotent. We have former Communists, like Yeltsin, decrying the Communist Party as an “enemy within” to be overcome. At the same time, Yeltsin has recently joined with Gorbachev because he sees other enemies even more powerful. On the other hand, we have conservatives who have taken the place of reformers (at Gorbachev's initiative) at the Center, who, as they have regained power and influence at the Center, have become not appeased, but increasingly dissatisfied; who have decried what they feel is the loss of power by the Communist Party; who have denounced Gorbachev's leadership virulently. And yet, they too, at the last minute, decided to make common cause and refused to accept his resignation, even though many of them, like the radicals, had called for just that. What is going on? Is the Party integrating the system or not?


2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 250

AbstractThe article-a revised version of the authors' contribution to the International Symposium "Bilingualism in Iranian Cultures" held 1992 in Bamberg (Germany)-deals with the problem of the introduction of new, or the reforming of already existing alphabets. It tries to illustrate how collective bi- and multilingualism, i. e. the use of different languages within a certain social community, affects the development of writing-systems, and how, on the other hand, these systems affect certain aspects of multilingualism. This is shown on the example of Tajik-Persian, Baluchi, Shughni and Jaghnobi, spanning the time from the beginning of the 20th century until the end of the Soviet Union. The related tables concern: 1) The introduction of the Latin script for the Iranian languages of the Soviet Union, 2) its abolishment; 3) the vowels of Baluchi language; 4) the vowels of Shughni language; 5) the vowels of Jaghnobi language; 6) Examples of the Latin script for Tajik-Persian language as introduced in 1928; 7) Examples of the Latin script for Baluchi language as introduced in 1933; 8) Examples of the Latin script for Shughni language as introduced in 1930.


2018 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 1879-1886
Author(s):  
Hatidza Berisha

The events that took place in Bosnia and Herzegovina (B&H) after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the unification of Germany, as well as the attitudes of the international factor towards the Bosnian crisis, should be considered in the process of disintegration of the former Yugoslavia, and secession of its republics. Due to the impossibility of a peaceful agreement on the resolution of state status and the organization of the state by political factors in B&H, it was necessary for the international community to intervene in resolving the state's status and relations in it.The aim of the paper is to analyze the impact of an international factor on developments in B&H right before the outbreak of the conflict, as well as during the course of the 1992-1995 period. years. The impact of the international factor has been viewed through the role of Europe (the European Community, since 1993 - the European Union and West European countries) on the one hand and the United States of America on the other, as the main and determining factors of the international community in resolving the Bosnian issue. The United Nations Organization (OUN) remained in the other plan in this process, while the role of the Soviet Union was not significant, because the Soviet Union was solving its own growing problems that arose at the end of the Cold War by the breakup of the Warsaw Pact, and later after the collapse of the state.


1990 ◽  
Vol 30 (S1) ◽  
pp. 71-72

The ICRC travelled to the Soviet Union on several occasions, in particular to Moscow, Vilnius, Minsk, Kiev, Tashkent and Boukhara. The aim of the visits was, on the one hand, to develop contacts with Red Cross and Red Crescent representatives and government officials, and on the other hand, to participate in seminars on international humanitarian law and human rights.


Author(s):  
Richard H. Rowland

The Soviet Union probably suffered greater population losses than any other country during World War ll. Estimated deaths plus estimates of nonbirths place total population losses at probably more than 40 million. Although the last census of the USSR prior to the war was taken in 1939, or fairly close to the eve of the war, the first postwar census was not completed until twenty years later in 1959 or nearly fifteen years after the end of the war, by which time the prewar population had been reached and surpassed by nearly 20 million.


Imbizo ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi Epongse Nkealah ◽  
Olutoba Gboyega Oluwasuji

Ideas of nationalisms as masculine projects dominate literary texts by African male writers. The texts mirror the ways in which gender differentiation sanctions nationalist discourses and in turn how nationalist discourses reinforce gender hierarchies. This article draws on theoretical insights from the work of Anne McClintock and Elleke Boehmer to analyse two plays: Zintgraff and the Battle of Mankon by Bole Butake and Gilbert Doho and Hard Choice by Sunnie Ododo. The article argues that women are represented in these two plays as having an ambiguous relationship to nationalism. On the one hand, women are seen actively changing the face of politics in their societies, but on the other hand, the means by which they do so reduces them to stereotypes of their gender.


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