Reform gridlock and the role of the bundesrat in German politics

1999 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 167-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen J. Silvia
Keyword(s):  
2003 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-106 ◽  
Author(s):  
Florian Becker

Even experienced scholars will have to think for quite a while when asked to remember whether a similar situation has ever occurred: A tiny constitutional provision in the organisational part of the Grundgesetz (GG – Basic Law), not exactly neglected by learned writers but definitely never seen as a source of major problems, became the starting point of one of the most emotional outbursts German politics has ever experienced. The said provision, Article 51.3(2) of the Basic Law, dealing with the voting procedure in the Bundesrat innocently says that the votes of one Land's representatives “can” (“können”) be cast only unanimously. In order to understand the causes for the earthquake that struck the German political and constitutional system in the 774th session of the Bundesrat on 22 March 2002 it is essential to shed light on the structure and the constitutional role of the Bundesrat.


2015 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 40-52
Author(s):  
Sarah E. Summers

This article explores the connections between West German autonomous women's movement and the green movement from inception of the green movement in the 1970s until its institutionalization with the Green Party in the 1980s. I argue that understanding the role of feminism in the movement and vice versa requires scholars to rethink the autonomous strategies of the New Women's Movement. In doing so, I contend that autonomous feminists understood the wider implications of the green movement beyond ecological preservation, thus aiding in the transition to political party. Entangling the two movements also highlights the limits of gender equality in the Green Party as it implemented the quota system in the 1980s, and offers lessons for the potential future success of gender parity in German politics.


Author(s):  
Herbert Marcuse

This chapter focuses on the Communist Party of Germany. Prior to 1933, the German Communist Party was an important force in the German political system and one of the three largest political parties. The report states that since its dissolution in 1933 by the Nazis, the party has continued to exist, both inside and outside Germany. At present, the German Communist Party is the only pre-1933 party which has formulated a systematic program and developed tactics to exploit the conditions which it anticipates will exist in Germany. The chapter considers the historical position of the German Communist Party in German politics, its present strength, and the plans by which it hopes to become a political force in post-war Germany. It also discusses the impact of the Free German movement on both the current policy and the future of the party. Finally, it reflects on the possible future role of the Communist Party in Germany.


1973 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 83-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
John D. Heyl

A Few years ago Ernst Nolte concluded a discussion on the role of big business in German politics with these words: “History in a modern sense begins at the point where passionate thinking is ignited by new realities related to economics.” Nolte meant modern historiography—especially the Marxist variety—when he spoke of “history in a modern sense,” but one may claim validity for an even more literal meaning of his statement. Is it not true that the course of modern history has been shaped significantly by “passionate thinking” applied to economic affairs? And are not good examples of this kind of thinking provided by the political leaders who rose above the era of the worldwide depression of the 1930's to direct its fate—Stalin, Roosevelt, and Hitler? These men, one might argue, saw “economic realities” in new ways and made their insights into economic affairs the core of the national response to the crisis of their day.


1992 ◽  
Vol 25 (2) ◽  
pp. 251-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
CHRISTIAN JOPPKE

This article analyzes the role of the state in the development of, and controversy over, civilian nuclear energy in West Germany. The static and uniform categories of state strength and state weakness are found insufficient to account for the capacity or incapacity of the state to formulate and implement nuclear policy. Instead, the analysis uncovers the existence of conflicting and contradictory models of statehood in postwar German politics. They shaped the particular contours of nuclear development and conflict.


1983 ◽  
Vol 35 (4) ◽  
pp. 631-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gary Bonham

Despite increased interest in the political role of the state, attention is currently shifting away from the state's contribution to political development in Wilhelmine Germany. There are, however, a number of unresolved questions concerning the Wilhelmine state bureaucracy's role in German politics that make the abandonment of political analyses of the state premature. Earlier approaches to the Wilhelmine administration have argued that it was either insulated from society or subordinate to dominant social classes. Such monolithic analyses are unable to account for bureaucratic commitments to competing, substantive interests and goals as well as for administrative conflict over such commitments. This problem can be avoided through hypotheses that explain bureaucratic political behavior in terms of class, administrative structure, or ideology. These hypotheses may be of general use for future research on administrative politics in other societies as well as in Wilhelmine Germany.


Author(s):  
C. Randall Henning

The Greek crisis of 2010 was a formative episode, during which European governments chose the mix of institutions that would formulate the rescue program and the institutions established the modalities for cooperation. This chapter examines the onset of the crisis in Greece and the genesis of its financial rescue. Specifically, it addresses the opposition to including the International Monetary Fund in the institutional mix for the first Greek program and the reasons why euro-area member states eventually selected it. The chapter also examines some of the institutional alternatives to the troika that might have been chosen but were rejected, creation of financial facilities of the euro area (the European Financial Stabilisation Mechanism and temporary European Financial Stability Facility), and role of German politics and preferences in the development of the euro area’s institutional framework.


1989 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roland Sturm
Keyword(s):  

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