A review of the state of trade union-based worker education

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Liesl Orr
2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-338
Author(s):  
Siobhan Doucette

As a result of the nationwide strike wave in August 1980 that gave birth to the Solidarity trade union, the Polish state authorities conceded to the reform of state censorship and to Solidarity creating union bulletins that were not subject to preventative censorship. This article analyses the Solidarity press to explore its censoring through direct state censorship and self-censorship in 1980–1. It argues that Solidarity's dual commitment to truth and legality were irreconcilable and that the state cultivated this conflict, contributing to the undermining of Solidarity's moderate leaders and the treatment of history as an arena for politicisation and state control. It posits that these conflicts have contributed to the current Polish government's frontal assault on the legacy of the Solidarity leadership.


2012 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 453-473
Author(s):  
Barend van Leeuwen

AbstractThis chapter will look deeper into the question of horizontal direct effect in the Viking and Laval cases by focusing on the effects of the Laval judgment. It will be submitted that the Laval case was an example of the horizontal enforcement of the vertical right to be protected by the State against interference with one’s free movement rights under EU law. The trade union acted within a legislative framework which had been established by the State and which provided protection to the trade union. The CJEU’s judgment established that this protection had been illusory, and the Swedish State assumed responsibility by amending two pieces of legislation. However, the reasoning of the CJEU did not sufficiently recognise the vertical nature of the proceedings. As a result, the Swedish Labour Court granted Francovich damages against the trade union, but these damages did not adequately compensate Laval for its losses. Therefore, the extension of horizontal direct effect to trade unions has resulted in inadequate judicial protection in this case. In future cases which present themselves as cases between two private parties the CJEU should more carefully investigate the responsibility of the State. A more careful investigation would open up the possibility of a Francovich claim against the State, if the State bore responsibility for breaches of EU law committed by private parties.


Author(s):  
Matteo Rizzo

Chapter 5 investigates the factors and circumstances that allowed the workers to switch from managing the effects of precarious employment to challenging its causes, first through the founding of an association of daladala workers, and then through a partnership with the Tanzanian transport trade union. Drawing on correspondence between the Transport Union and the workers’ association, and on interviews with the leaders of the workers’ association, of the trade union, and with transport workers themselves, the chapter explores the strategy chosen by workers to make demands for rights at work on employers and the state. The analysis stresses the significance of this case study by engaging with the wider literature on globalization and its impact on labour possibilities, and more specifically on how to organize the unorganized in the informal economy and the goals which workers’ political mobilization can (or cannot) achieve in increasingly liberalized and informalized economies.


2019 ◽  
pp. 106-126
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

In 1909 the California State Federation of Labor (CSFL) voted to direct resources toward organizing migrant workers within a new branch of American Federation of Labor (AFL) affiliated United Laborers locals throughout the state. These locals gave form to a largely top-down attempt by the Anglo-dominated trade union to organize nonwhite unskilled laborers. This effort placed the AFL in the same organizing terrain as the expanding Industrial Workers of the World (IWW). Competition between the unions, internal conflicts within the AFL, and the structural difficulties of organizing mobile workers at temporary jobsites all contributed to the CSFL withdrawing support for the United Laborers in 1912 and all of the United Laborers locals shuttering by 1913.


2019 ◽  
pp. 65-80
Author(s):  
David M. Struthers

This chapter begins with an overview of the Anti-Asian premise of the labor movement in California during its foundation in the 1880s and carried forward into the twentieth century in trade-union organizing in the state. The chapter then examines two important departures from racist exclusionary organizing in Southern California in 1903. In Los Angeles Mexican laborers formed the Unión Federal Mexicana. In Oxnard, Japanese and Mexican agricultural workers formed the Japanese Mexican Labor Association (JMLA). Anglo socialist members of Los Angeles’s Council of Labor pushed Los Angeles’s trade union body to support both unions with financial and organizing resources. Laborers in Los Angeles and Oxnard also shared resources, but the national American Federation of Labor (AFL) ultimately rejected Japanese membership.


Author(s):  
Heather Connolly ◽  
Stefania Marino ◽  
Miguel Martínez Lucio

In this concluding chapter we argue that there is no clear path to renewal and inclusion - and hence solidarity. It may be that political narratives underpinning developments are important, and how they help frame common responses, but the idea of a uniform, standard response or apolitical solution around a particular view of organising is not the way forward. We need to look much more closely at how the nature of the state and projects of social inclusion are framing responses and in terms of facilitating trade union roles in relation to immigration or creating new views and points of development through agitation or radical approaches.


Author(s):  
Regine A. Spector

This chapter shifts the focus from the previous chapter on the work of traders at Dordoi bazaar to that of the main owner. The chapter discusses how, in light of some in society who viewed bazaar owners as oligarchs, he actively sought to reframe his role as a bazaar founder, job provider, and guarantor of honorable work in an otherwise corrupt society. He described his own approach as “business diplomacy,” and collaborated with the trade union, got elected to political office, and decided when to engage in protest (and when not to). Instead of perspectives that view him as a predatory, stationary bandit, the chapter argues instead that we must take seriously how he sought to survive and adapt in an inauspicious political context by building relationships within the state and among different businesses, societal groups, and constituents to increase possibilities for action in challenging situations.


1989 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-60

Creation of an industrial culture is always a slow and difficult process, especially for high-tech industries in backward areas. In such circumstances, what is the role of the state government and the management in creating this culture? What parameters should be used to evaluate demands for wage rise? These are some of the questions that the diagnostic case, The Bajaj Lockout, raises. The casewriter and other experts from the academic and the practising worlds provide us their diagnoses of the case. To promote and foster healthy industrial relations, Kher emphasizes the need to educate the workers in fair negotiation practices while Shelat elaborates on the role of the state government in ensuring an ideal industrial climate. Joseph highlights the role of systematic grievance handling procedures whereas Sarkar observes that faulty recruitment policy combined with the promotion of an internal trade union are sure indicators of deficient personnel management. Removing barriers to communication: between workers and the manageme~t and introducing participative rrianagament will contribute to better industrial relations concludes Saha.


1988 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul Willman ◽  
Tim Morris
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