Adapting to Bazaar Ownership through Diplomacy

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Regine A. Spector
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Building Relationships ◽  
Political Office

This chapter shifts the focus from the previous chapter on the work of traders at Dordoi bazaar to that of the main owner. The chapter discusses how, in light of some in society who viewed bazaar owners as oligarchs, he actively sought to reframe his role as a bazaar founder, job provider, and guarantor of honorable work in an otherwise corrupt society. He described his own approach as “business diplomacy,” and collaborated with the trade union, got elected to political office, and decided when to engage in protest (and when not to). Instead of perspectives that view him as a predatory, stationary bandit, the chapter argues instead that we must take seriously how he sought to survive and adapt in an inauspicious political context by building relationships within the state and among different businesses, societal groups, and constituents to increase possibilities for action in challenging situations.

Censoring Solidarity: Freedom of Speech and its Denial in Poland, 1980–1981

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-338
Author(s):  
Siobhan Doucette
Keyword(s):  
Trade Union ◽  
Freedom Of Speech ◽  
The State ◽  
State Control ◽  
Dual Commitment

As a result of the nationwide strike wave in August 1980 that gave birth to the Solidarity trade union, the Polish state authorities conceded to the reform of state censorship and to Solidarity creating union bulletins that were not subject to preventative censorship. This article analyses the Solidarity press to explore its censoring through direct state censorship and self-censorship in 1980–1. It argues that Solidarity's dual commitment to truth and legality were irreconcilable and that the state cultivated this conflict, contributing to the undermining of Solidarity's moderate leaders and the treatment of history as an arena for politicisation and state control. It posits that these conflicts have contributed to the current Polish government's frontal assault on the legacy of the Solidarity leadership.

scholarly journals Osoby duchowne w otoczeniu i czynnościach prawnych księcia gdańskiego Warcisława II

2020 ◽  
pp. 229-264
Author(s):  
Mateusz Szuba
Keyword(s):  
Civil War ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Source Information ◽  
The City

The above paper deals with the clergy in the state of Warcisław II, Duke of Gdańsk and East­­­‑Pomerania between 1266 and 1269/70. The careers of representatives of this class are reconstructed by collecting and verifying source information and the extensive discussions of earlier historians. Four clergymen from Gdańsk, 2 from Słupsk, and Michael priest of “Saulyn” have been authenticated, but it is not certain that the last two places actually belonged to Warcisław’s state. The main conclusion of this research is that during the reign of Warcisław II, clergy were of political significance. They served in administration and in an early chancellery service, as in the case of a group of clergy in the fortified church in Gdańsk. It is likely that one of local priests­­­‑ Wacław/Unisław – was also probably related to an influential gentry family This was also probably the case with Luder, priest of St. Catharine’s Church in the city of Gdańsk. He was probably an agent mediating between the Duke and the middle class. Warcisław II had good relations with the middle class and its political influence was growing during his reign. In Słupsk, too, the clergy participated in changing political affiliations, but that is visible only later. Clergymen also supported other dukes; this was visible and of importance during the East­­­‑Pomeranian civil war (1269–1271) between Warcisław II and Msciwoj II, which ended in the former’s exile. One historian believes that the priest Michael served in Salino in East­­­‑Pomerania. Perhaps his presence in a privilege from 1268 had a political context – by that act Warcisław II could show his claims to Białogarda’s land. This had been mortgaged to the Teutonic Order by Duke Racibor. Otherwise, according to the opinion of Klemens Bruski, Michael could have served in another place – Słona near Kościerzyna.

scholarly journals The CRC comes of age: assessing progress in meeting the rights of children in custody in Northern Ireland

2020 ◽  
Vol 62 (2) ◽  
pp. 217-234
Author(s):  
Linda Moore
Keyword(s):  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Juvenile Justice ◽  
21St Century ◽  
Social Economic ◽  
Children's Rights ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Children’S Rights ◽  
Primary Research ◽  
The Law

This article focuses on the extent to which Convention rights are complied with regarding the treatment of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland, and in particular the rights of incarcerated children. Relevant children’s rights instruments and principles are identified to establish the benchmarks for this discussion. There follows discussion of the particular social, economic and political context which impacts upon the lives of children in conflict with the law in Northern Ireland. The legislative context for the detention of children in custody in Northern Ireland is explored, and the regimes in the Juvenile Justice Centre (JJC) for Northern Ireland and Hydebank Wood Young Offenders Centre (YOC) are assessed for compliance with children’s rights standards. Primary research conducted by the author and her colleagues with children in custody in Northern Ireland 2 and recent inspection and research reports form the basis for the analysis of the state of children’s rights in custody in Northern Ireland in the 21st century.

scholarly journals Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears: A Matter of Gender and Fate

2021 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
Laia Perales Galán
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Power Dynamics ◽  
Female Characters ◽  
Domestic Sphere ◽  
Gender Dynamics ◽  
Role Morality ◽  
The Soviet Union

This paper offers an in-depth review of the Soviet hit film Moscow Doesn’t Believe in Tears (1979). Focusing on its female characters, it analyses the gender dynamics that prevailed in the Soviet Union at that time and the narrative impact it had on the plot. The article is divided into three subsections: a brief historical and political context, a depiction of the state of gender equality in the Soviet Union, as well as the power dynamics that existed both in the professional and domestic sphere, and a summary of the different femininities portrayed by the characters, along with the role morality and fate played in the film.

Floating Sophia, Polarizing to Abeyance, Waqf-izing the State

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Murat Akan
Keyword(s):  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Court Decisions ◽  
Present Stage ◽  
Multiple Modernities ◽  
The Past ◽  
Current State ◽  
Turkish Politics ◽  
Hagia Sophia ◽  
Turkish State

Abstract The 2020 ‘mosque-ing’ of Ayasofya (Hagia Sophia) shook a cornerstone of the Turkish Republican tradition. I lay out the immediate political context, including the COVID-19 pandemic, the content of five court decisions that built up to the mosque-ing, and what these show about the current state of secularism, democracy and institutions in Turkey. I argue that the Ayasofya episode is a case of polarization to the point of abeyance and waqf-izing the Turkish state. Evaluating the episode in light of the past decade of Turkish politics, I propose that it is the present stage of a trajectory from the politics of modernity to the anti-politics of abeyance, and that the midpoint of this trajectory is the politics of ‘multiple modernities’. It is time to lay to rest the wave of conservative epistemologies emerging from Shmuel Eisenstadt’s ‘multiple modernities’.

The Unraveling

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Roessler ◽  
Harry Verhoeven
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
Security Services ◽  
Chief Of Staff ◽  
Head Of State ◽  
State Bureaucracy ◽  
Council Of Ministers ◽  
The Military

This chapter explains how the surging discontent described in the previous chapter morphs into a full-blown crisis. The remarkable expression of elite accommodation between Laurent-Désiré Kabila, Army Chief of Staff James Kabarebe and Joseph Kabila, son of the head of state, protégé of Kabarebe and number two in the military hierarchy, began to unravel in early 1998. As the father–president relentlessly sought to increase his political autonomy, he pursued two policies by stealth that inflamed tensions with the RPF: Katangization—the infiltration of the security services and the state bureaucracy by fellow Katangese—and the courting of new allies, not least Tanzania which gave him a bodyguard to replace his Rwandese minders and which sent troops to secretly train a parallel army in Katanga. Relations between the comrades became so poisoned that even Council of Ministers' meetings were preceded by arms searches.

An Illusion of Protection and an Assumption of Responsibility: The Possibility of Swedish State Liability after Laval

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 ◽  
pp. 453-473
Author(s):  
Barend van Leeuwen
Keyword(s):  
Direct Effect ◽  
Trade Union ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
The State ◽  
Eu Law ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
State Liability ◽  
Judicial Protection ◽  
Careful Investigation ◽  
Horizontal Direct Effect

AbstractThis chapter will look deeper into the question of horizontal direct effect in the Viking and Laval cases by focusing on the effects of the Laval judgment. It will be submitted that the Laval case was an example of the horizontal enforcement of the vertical right to be protected by the State against interference with one’s free movement rights under EU law. The trade union acted within a legislative framework which had been established by the State and which provided protection to the trade union. The CJEU’s judgment established that this protection had been illusory, and the Swedish State assumed responsibility by amending two pieces of legislation. However, the reasoning of the CJEU did not sufficiently recognise the vertical nature of the proceedings. As a result, the Swedish Labour Court granted Francovich damages against the trade union, but these damages did not adequately compensate Laval for its losses. Therefore, the extension of horizontal direct effect to trade unions has resulted in inadequate judicial protection in this case. In future cases which present themselves as cases between two private parties the CJEU should more carefully investigate the responsibility of the State. A more careful investigation would open up the possibility of a Francovich claim against the State, if the State bore responsibility for breaches of EU law committed by private parties.

A Strident Silencing

2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Na'ama Sheffi
Keyword(s):  
National Socialism ◽  
Political Context ◽  
The State ◽  
Richard Wagner ◽  
Anti Semitism ◽  
The Holocaust ◽  
Educational Implications ◽  
Anti Jewish ◽  
State Of Israel

This chapter examines the controversy surrounding the Wagner affair in Israel: the ban on composer Richard Wagner (1813–1883) by Israeli authorities following Kristallnacht, the anti-Jewish pogrom that took place in Germany in November 1938. After the State of Israel was created in 1948, Wagner became identified with the racist views of National Socialism and vicious anti-Semitism and his work emerged as one of the explicit symbols of the Holocaust and its atrocities. This chapter considers the fundamental reasons for the opposition to performing Wagner’s work in Israel within a broad cultural and political context, suggesting that his music served as a stark reminder in Israel of the Holocaust of European Jews. It also discusses the cultural, historical, and educational implications of the ban on Wagner.

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