Regional fishery management councils: A new form of government

1987 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 299-303 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jim H. Branson
Federalism-E ◽  
1969 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Olivier Grandjean

Regulation of European markets has changed considerably since 1980. As a result of factors such as European integration, international forces, and the decline of the welfare state, European governments have opted for other development strategies. Most notably, there has been a movement to privatize state-owned industries, as well as to develop new constitutive rules of competition that aim to ensure market competition in order to both obtain optimal economic efficiency and most efficiently allocate resources. The economic role of the European Union has thus been reinforced accordingly. Moreover, an indirect form of government in such matters has also emerged. These strategies have ultimately developed into a new form of government, which is characterized by changes in the official functions, institutions, actors and the types of policies followed on the matters.[...]


2016 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-91 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federica Carugati ◽  
Josiah Ober ◽  
Barry R. Weingast

The birth of political thought has long been associated with the development of either the polis as a new form of political organization in Greece, or of democracy as a new form of government in Athens. This article suggests that this view ought to be expanded. Between the late 6th and 4th centuries bc, the Greek polis of Athens established large, participatory democratic institutions. But the transformation that the polis underwent did not merely affect political structures: in this period, Athens transitioned from an undeveloped, limited access, ‘natural state’ toward a developed open access society – a society characterized by impersonal, perpetual, and inclusive political, economic, legal and, social institutions. Those who witnessed this transformation first-hand attempted to grapple, often critically, with its implications. We show that Thucydides, Plato, and other Greek political thinkers devoted a considerable part of their work to analyzing the polis’ tendency toward not only political, but also economic, social, and legal inclusion. Without understanding this larger picture, we cannot adequately explain the development of Greek political thought.


PMLA ◽  
1956 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 414-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jefferson Rea Spell

The Promulgation, in 1812, of the Constitution of Cadiz provoked throughout Spain and her domains a bitter controversy between the opponents and the partisans of that liberal and innovative body of legislation. Among the supporters in Mexico City was José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi (1776–1827), who, as soon as the Constitution went into effect there, established a sheet, El Pensador Mexicano (1812–14), with the avowed purpose of defending the new form of government and of praising its liberal provisions, particularly those granting freedom of the press and abolishing the Inquisition. His first article began with an exlamation: “¡Gracias a Dios y la nueva Constitutión que ya nos vamos desimpresionando de algunos errores que nos tenían enterrados nuestros antepasados!” But, in spite of the freedom of the press, the Viceroy ordered his arrest, and some months in jail dampened his enthusiasm; he continued, however, his periodical as well as its successor, the Alacena de Frioleras (1815), with articles of a less controversial nature, until the end of that year. Continually in difficulty with the censors after 1814, when the Constitution was abrogated by Ferdinand VII, he finally limited himself to the writing of fiction until the reestablishment of the Constitution in 1820. During this period he produced four novels, one of which, El Periquillo Sarniento (1816), is his masterpiece. While the characters and setting of this novel are definitely Mexican, with certain autobiographical elements, the mold in which it is cast is that of the Spanish picaresque. Like its prototype in general, the Periquillo is concerned with matters of a purely ethical nature; but this aspect of the novel is less impressive—in contrast, for example, with Alemán's Guzmán de Alfarache or the novels of Francisco Santos—than the wealth of ideas in regard to definite reforms that the author believes would contribute to the general welfare. These ideas, interwoven with incidents in the life of a picaro, did not originate with the author but reflect wide reading in many fields. To point out the sources of these ideas, and thereby fathom the intellectual background of Lizardi, is the object of this article.


2007 ◽  
pp. 3-20
Author(s):  
Jean Blondel ◽  
Ferdinand Müller-Rommel ◽  
Darina Malovà ◽  
Georg Sootla ◽  
Erik Sootla
Keyword(s):  

Author(s):  
Erin R. Hochman

This chapter addresses the clash over state symbols that emerged alongside the intensive debates about the new form of government. It highlights the importance of großdeutsch nationalism in republican attempts to defend democracy and its symbolic manifestations. In the Weimar Republic, the decision by the National Assembly to replace the black-white-red imperial standard with a black-red-gold tricolor was hotly contested by those on the political right. For Austrians, the debate over state symbols focused on the national anthem. This chapter, however, moves beyond simply viewing these debates as symptoms of political fragmentation in the two countries. Through an investigation of letters and petitions sent by individuals and associations to the governments, it explores how contemporaries began self-consciously to practice what they saw as the rights and responsibilities of citizens living in democratic republics.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-34
Author(s):  
MICHAEL LIDAUER

Abstract The 2015 general elections were considered a hallmark of Myanmar's transition from an authoritarian regime towards a new form of government. However, the elections did not take place in all parts of the country, and significant portions of the population were excluded from the vote, including voters in areas of contested sovereignty, those who experienced displacement by conflict, and the Rohingya. Against the background of the regulatory framework for elections in Myanmar and its electoral system, this article looks first into a particular understudied element of the electoral process—the cancellation or postponement of elections in areas affected by conflict, which is little understood by voters, election administrators, and outside observers. Second, the article examines the conditions necessary for internally displaced persons (IDPs) to participate in elections. Third, the article recapitulates the gradual legal disenfranchisement of voters and candidates who self-identified as Rohingya, which preceded their mass exodus to Bangladesh in 2017. While in 2015 all these processes of exclusion were arguably of lesser priority for the election administration, which facilitated the first credible Myanmar election in decades, they have not altered significantly since and will affect the electoral participation of disadvantaged communities again in the future.


Philosophies ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 9
Author(s):  
Alfonso Ballesteros

Digitalisation is attracting much scholarly attention at present. However, scholars often take its benefits for granted, overlooking the essential question: “Does digital technology make us better?” This paper aims to help fill this gap by examining digitalisation as a form of government (digitocracy) and the way it shapes a new kind of man: animal digitalis. I argue that the digitalised man is animal-like rather than machine-like. This man does not use efficient and cold machine-like language, but is rather emotionalised through digital technology. If those who are ruled acted like machines, data would not be produced on a mass scale, and machine learning would stop learning. Digital man has animal features and is ruled by his brain’s reward system. We need to abandon this new form of government and the resulting man. To overcome digitalisation, we need a humanism that recovers the proper place of man over animals and artefacts, but maintains respect for the value of nature.


2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 157-164
Author(s):  
Leandro Gamallo

AbstractThe transition and consolidation of the democratic regime in Argentina banished violence as a means of gaining access to state power. However, the frequent appearance of violent protests (“outbursts,” riots, looting or “puebladas,” among others) interrogates the persistence of violent collective actions and their relations with the dynamics of institutional policy in the current democratic framework. To what extent do these facts form part of the new repertoires of action, as several authors maintain? Are they actions that are an instrument of politics, or are they the expression of a radical opposition to the system? On the other hand, the emergence of a multiple and a fragmented form of violence go hand in hand with the emergence of illegalities of various kinds: the expansion of informal and illegal economies (the trade in drugs, weapons and people, among the main ones). The proven complicity of the state institutions in these processes also questions the relationship between politics and violence, although in a different register. Is it an institutional “flaw” or a new form of government? To what extent does such violence represent strategies of political accumulation?


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document