Preferential trade agreements as instruments of foreign policy: an Australia–Japan free trade agreement and its implications for the Asia Pacific region

2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ann Capling

Significance The country's vote to leave the EU has added momentum to a realignment of UK economic and foreign policy towards the Asia-Pacific region underway for some years. Parliamentarian Richard Graham, a prime ministerial trade envoy, visited Manila in late August to explore the prospects for closer ties, including a Philippines-UK free trade agreement (FTA). Impacts China will tolerate greater Philippine-UK engagement if London stays out of South China Sea disputes. If controversy over Duterte's crime crackdown grows, May might face domestic political pressures to keep Manila at arm's length for now. Duterte's abrasive political style may deter fresh investment pledges. Closer defence ties with Manila would aid improvements in the United Kingdom's ties with ASEAN and its other members.


2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 287-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christopher Dent

AbstractSince the late 1990s there has been a rapid proliferation of bilateral free trade agreement (FTA) projects in East Asia and the Asia-Pacific, regions previously largely devoid of FTA activity by comparison to others. As this trend has intensified, so have discussions on whether it will help advance regional co-operation and integration. This paper examines the nature of FTAs themselves and the main causes of East Asia and Asia-Pacific FTAs. The 'lattice regionalism' hypothesis is considered: whether dense economic bilateralism provides a sub-structural foundation on which economic regionalism (i.e. co-operation and integration) can build. Closely related is the issue of competing FTA models and modalities in the Asia-Pacific, and special attention is afforded to the 'asymmetric neoliberal' FTA model of the United States and the 'developmental–industrial' FTA model championed by Japan. It is argued that the contrasts between these make the emergence of an Asia-Pacific FTA unlikely in even the distant future. Japan's FTA model is also considered relative to perhaps East Asia's most important FTA project, the ASEAN–China FTA (ACFTA), and we discuss how bilateral FTA developments in the region more generally may or may not lead to enhanced regional economic co-operation and integration in East Asia.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nken Moise

This dissertation studies the effect of continual reduction in the tariff bindings and its implications on the static and dynamic formation of preferential trade agreements (PTAs). Underlying trade model is a three country \competing exporters" model. First, utilizing a static game of endogenous trade agreement formation between three countries, we examine the effects of continual reduction in tariff bindings on the role of PTA formation in attaining global free trade. We show that, in the free trade agreement (FTA) formation game, when countries are completely symmetric, free trade always obtains as the coalition-proof Nash equilibrium (CPNE) of the FTA game. Under the customs union (CU) game, CU members exercise an exclusion incentive and free trade fails to be a CPNE. When countries are asymmetric with respect to their comparative advantage, the country with a weaker comparative advantage has an incentive to free ride on trade liberalization of the two others and continual reduction in tariff bindings facilitates FTA formation in attaining global free trade. Next, we employ a three country dynamic model of PTA formation where countries form PTAs over time and investigate the impact of multilateral tariff binding liberalization on the equilibrium extent of FTA and CU formation in isolation. When forming FTAs under relatively high tariff bindings, a myopic free riding incentive of FTA non-members constrains FTA formation. Thus, tariff binding liberalization can facilitate FTA expansion to global free trade. However, when forward looking countries do not value this myopic free riding incentive, tariff binding liberalization can impede FTA expansion to global free trade. In our CU game, CU formation proceeds to global free trade only for relatively high tariff bindings. Finally, we examine the PTA game where countries endogenously choose between CU and FTA formation. Under such a game, we show that the equilibrium emergence of CUs can prevent global free trade that would otherwise occur through FTAs. In contrast, the equilibrium emergence of FTAs can facilitate global free trade that would otherwise not occur through CUs.


2017 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rubrick Biegon

The nascent Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) trade agreement puts the United States at the center of an expanding liberalization regime connecting the Americas to the Asia-Pacific region. U.S. power is bound up with the globalization of Latin America’s political economy, and the TPP is indicative of U.S. efforts to renew its hegemony in the region. It reinforces the importance of “free trade” on the post–Washington Consensus agenda, undercutting existing Latin American–led approaches to integration while responding to China’s growing influence in the hemisphere. As the free-trade consensus is reconstructed through the TPP process, U.S. hegemony in the Americas is potentially extended even as it continues to face challenges in the structural, institutional, and ideological dimensions of intrahemispheric affairs. El naciente Acuerdo Transpacífico de Cooperación Económica (TPP) coloca a Estados Unidos al centro de un régimen de liberalización en expansión que conecta a las Américas con la región Asia-Pacífico. El poder estadunidense está vinculado a la globalización de la economía política latinoamericana, y el TPP es indicativo de los esfuerzos de Estados Unidos por renovar su hegemonía en la región. Refuerza la importancia del “libre comercio” en la agenda establecida después del Consenso de Washington, socavando los intentos latinoamericanos de integración regional mientras responde a la creciente influencia de China en el hemisferio. La hegemonía estadunidense crece potencialmente en el continente americano conforme se reconstruye un consenso de libre comercio a través del proceso del TPP. Al mismo tiempo, continúa afrontando retos estructurales, institucionales e ideológicos en las relaciones intrahemisféricas.


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