Between the home and the world in violent conflict

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (6) ◽  
pp. 771-789 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anoma Pieris
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Partha Moman

This article seeks to contribute to understandings of peacemaking failure in Darfur, during the negotiations in Abuja from 2004-2006 that led to the 2006 Darfur Peace Agreement. It argues that a key factor in explaining peacemaking failure, was the reliance on a standard formula for peace negotiations used across the world. Peacemakers, in and around Abuja, worked by assuming the existence of a limited number of cohesive warring parties, enabling a comprehensive agreement and consensus between these groups, and ensuring that this result could be enshrined in a logical written document. The use of this formula, although seemingly logical, entrenched pathologies in the Abuja negotiations – exclusion of certain constituencies, the use of simplistic narratives to frame the conflict, coercive diplomacy, an overactive mediation – that in turn contributed to the continuation and even escalation of violent conflict in Darfur. The article concludes by suggesting potential pathways to decentering this dominant formula for conducting peace negotiations.


Author(s):  
Berit Bliesemann de Guevara ◽  
Morten Bøås

This chapter covers experiences of doing fieldwork. It talks about a gender-balanced group of field researchers at different stages of their careers that work in different countries around the world. It also analyzes how the field researchers did their fieldwork in areas of international intervention into violent conflict and/or illiberal states. The chapter provides an overview of the frank and critical accounts of the field researchers who have taken the courage to publicly reflect upon some of their mistakes and to name the dilemmas of fieldwork in violent and closed contexts. It draws attention to the personal reflections of the field researchers' practices, performances, and positionalities in the field, including their contributions to address questions currently discussed in related literatures.


2002 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 689-690
Author(s):  
Marian A. L. Miller

In Environment, Scarcity, and Violence, Thomas Homer-Dixon continues his examination of environmental scarcity. This exploration of the links between environmental scarcity and violent conflict captures much of the related complexity. He finds that scarcities of renewable resources, such as cropland, freshwater, and forests, can contribute to civil violence. As scarcities worsen, the incidence of this kind of violence is likely to increase. Although he acknowledges that environmental scarcity “by itself is neither a necessary nor sufficient cause” (p. 7) of violence, he argues that analysts should not underestimate its importance: Some conflicts cannot be clearly understood without an examination of the role of environmental scarcity. In this work, he offers “analysts and policymakers a tool kit of concepts and generalizations that they can use to analyze, explain, and sometimes predict connections between environmental scarcity and violence around the world” (p. 73).


2011 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Ghada Osman ◽  
Claudia V. Angelelli

In 1995, Sheikh Omar Abdel-Rahman was convicted for his role in the 1993 plot to bomb the World Trade Center. In 2002, Abdel-Rahman’s attorney Lynne Stewart and his interpreter Mohammed Yousry were arrested and charged with aiding terrorism. The crux of the evidence against them came from their jail visits with Abdel-Rahman. This article examines the roles of Abdel-Rahman, Stewart, and Yousry during those visits. It argues that due to factors such as ethnicity, gender, and religious background, the Arabic language and its related cultural discourse became the central context of interaction. The article focuses on three main facets of this interaction: Arabic-English vis-à-vis English-Arabic translations, Yousry’s mediation of relations through Arabic-centered cultural phenomena, and Stewart’s acceptance of — and to a certain extent participation in — an Arabic-centered discourse through her use of Arabic phrases (particularly religious ones). Twelve segments have been selected from the transcripts to illustrate these phenomena in this situation of violent conflict, which is highly relevant in today’s politically charged climate.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Paul Dunne

Historically, peace and security have been important issues in economics. Yet for contemporary economics, issues of peace and security are marginal, and economists are conspicuous by their absence in debates to a degree that rivals the importance of the problems. Strikingly, economics textbooks in general, and development economics textbooks in particular, seldom give consideration to violent conflicts despite the dreadful impact they have on populations in the very poorest of countries. Similarly, they seldom deal with issues of peace and post-war reconstruction despite their importance for successful development. This article reviews some achievements within the economics of peace and security field and considers how our understanding of the preparation for violent conflict and the determinants and costs of conflict has been improved by research and what this might entail for some of the challenges ahead. In particular, the article identifies the challenge of constructing a peace economics that will allow for the design of economic systems that embed peace and overcome many of the conditions that continue to maintain the prevalence of violent conflict around the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 166-182
Author(s):  
Kayleigh A. Cousar ◽  
Nate C. Carnes ◽  
Sasha Y. Kimel

Past research finds contradictory evidence suggesting that religion both reduces and increases violent conflict. We argue that morality is an important hub mechanism that can help us understand this disputed relationship. Moreover, to reconcile this, as well as the factors underlying religion's impact on increased violence (i.e., belief versus practice), we draw on Virtuous Violence Theory and newly synthesize it with research on both moral cognition and social identity. We suggest that the combined effect of moral cognition and social identity may substantially increase violence beyond what either facilitates alone. We test our claims using multilevel analysis of data from the World Values Survey and find a nuanced effect of religion on people's beliefs about violence. Specifically, religious individuals were less likely to condone violence while religious countries were more likely to. This combination of theoretical and empirical work helps disentangle the interwoven nature of morality, religion, and violence.


Author(s):  
Norberto Muñiz Martínez

Colombia is now projecting a new, positive image to the world after over­coming a past characterised by politically inspired guerrilla warfare and violent conflict with narco-trafficking cartels which had ravaged the country for decades. Even before the country’s transformation, other intermediate place institutions – cities and regions – had already taken significant steps towards territorial change and marketing. This paper outlines the processes involved in urban and social transformation in the city of Medellín and in the marketing of the coffee region, as illustrative cases of city re-brand­ing and regional branding, respectively.


2004 ◽  
Vol 34 (135) ◽  
pp. 173-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jürgen Scheffran

During the 21st century the increased energy demand will meet a minimum of ensured energy reserves. The growing scarcity of fossil fuels, in particular the foreseeable end of the oil age, provokes the danger of violent conflict. In a Pentagon study the potentially dramatic consequences of rapid climate change for the security of the United States are described. As global and local carrying capacities are reduced, tensions could increase around the world. Those who can afford may build virtual fortresses to preserve resources for themselves, while poorer nations may struggle for access to food, clean water, or energy. Nuclear power is a complex, faulty and centralized large-scale technology, providing the basis for nuclear weapons development. In order to achieve the transition from the conflict-prone fossil-nuclear to a more peaceful and sustainable energy supply which preventively avoids conflict, a comprehensive set of measures is required, including energy saving, efficiency gains, renewable energy, natural and social guardrails, the improvement of cooperation, dialog and participation among stakeholders.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 13-27
Author(s):  
T. OLAIFA ◽  
B. SOTILOYE ◽  
I. I. DARE

The spate of violent conflict all over the world since the end of the cold war has been chiefly engineered by ethno-linguistic supremacy based on prevalent ethnic pluralism. Ethno-linguistic pluralism is a conflict issue in Nigeria and it has antecedents of major conflicts trailing its existence. Ethno-linguistic conflicts have been on the rise since the commencement of the Fourth Republic basically due to the liberalisation of the political space and this has resulted in violent conflicts claiming lives and wantonly destroying property. Most of the strategies deployed to resolve ethno-linguistic conflicts in Nigeria are often unable to diagnose accurately the nature of the conflicts and the resolve the main issues causing them. Therefore most of the conflicts become intractable. However, Nigeria is not an isolated case as some other nations around the world are either battling with ideas to resolve the numerous conflicts it has generated or have evolved home-grown mechanisms to manage the ethno-linguistic challenges it has posed. This paper seeks to highlight ethno-linguistic conflict issues in Belgium and the strategies deployed in resolving it and at the same time reflect on the Nigerian experience drawing out unique experiences, similarities and lessons to be learnt from both countries


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document