A New Energy Strategy for the United States: Energy Independence

2013 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 24-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Stephen Moretto
Author(s):  
Vadym Danylets

Violation of status-quo in the Middle East, which radically influenced the world oil supply system, generated the uncertainty of prospects in politics in general and energetics in particular. For the United States, it became necessary to transform their energy strategy, which included domestic and foreign policy aspects. However until October, 1973 the Administration of the USA could not develop a strategy capable of preventing an energy crisis of 1973–1974. Nevertheless, persistent looking for a new model of energy politics continued in the United States throughout the first half of 1970. As of December 1972, at least 42 federal agencies, bureaus, departments, and offices were involved in research into energy issues. The 93rd Congress (January 1973–January 1975) involved itself was in energy-related legislation on an unprecedented scale. More than 2,000 bills were introduced, and more than 30 standing congressional committees collectively held over 1,000 days of hearings on nearly every aspect of energy policy programs and problems. Nearly 40 energy-related laws were enacted. The magnitude of these efforts indicates that the United States leadership was deeply concerned about the situation. Despite the efforts made, the US administration could not avoid the dramatic events of the energy crisis. The cause for this was the untimely transformation of American energy policy. This article shows relationship between politics and energetics and explores, therefore, political methods, used in the USA in the process of developing the new energy politics in 1970 – 1975. It covers the history of this politics institutional and legal base creation. By the modern viewpoints it highlights the main problems and barriers to energy strategy formation, which slowed down its transformation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 139-145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Ross ◽  
Elliot Sperling ◽  
Subhrajit Guhathakurta

2008 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Kammen ◽  
David Hafemeister ◽  
B. Levi ◽  
M. Levine ◽  
P. Schwartz

2011 ◽  
Vol 45 (40) ◽  
pp. 7714-7724 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rich Cook ◽  
Sharon Phillips ◽  
Marc Houyoux ◽  
Pat Dolwick ◽  
Rich Mason ◽  
...  

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (28) ◽  
pp. 344-375
Author(s):  
Anita Paulovics

This paper is about the legal regulation of the extension of the operation time of nuclear power plants.  In Hungary the most important document in this respect has been the National Energy Strategy analyzed in the paper. In Hungary, the legal regulation of the extension of the time limit of the operation-permit of nuclear power plants is modelled on that of the United States. For this reason, the paper examines the rules in force in the USA on the extension of the operation time.  It could be of interest for several European countries considering to extend the operation time of their nuclear power plants.


2019 ◽  
pp. 91-118
Author(s):  
Anand Toprani

This chapter and the one that follows demonstrate how and why Britain’s strategy of energy independence failed. The initial threat came from anticolonial nationalism, initially in Iran and then in Mexico. Britain weathered both crises but emerged with a false sense of security. The second and most challenging threat came from the fascist states, particularly Italy following the Abyssinian crisis of 1935–6. Although Italian hostility would jeopardize Britain’s plan to achieve energy independence by exploiting the Middle East, British officials paid little or no attention to the Italian threat to their energy lifelines when considering whether to support League of Nations sanctions against Italy for its aggression against Abyssinia. Compounding the Italian problem was U.S. isolationism via the Neutrality Acts, which complicated British logistics by forcing Britain to import oil from the United States on British tankers and pay for it using scarce foreign exchange.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jialiang Huang ◽  
Xiaoxia Wang ◽  
Hongda Liu ◽  
Sajid Iqbal

Energy and environmental concepts have been extensively studied in the past. However, these studies often lacked integrated analysis of energy, monetary, public, and ecological aspects to assess energy and environmental issues. This article provides analyzation of the G7 nations’ qualitative, social, cultural, and health achievement in the energy poverty indexes. These include the energy economics and climate change of energy poverty, by using DEA like a composite indicator. The G7 countries’ combined energy consumption is equal to 34% of the world’s total, whereas the GDP is 50% of the global total. As a result, this article develops a comprehensive series of energy, financial, societal, and environmental indicators that are up to date. Such indicators are utilized to assess energy financial, societal, and EPI using a mathematical composite indicator. Canada has the greatest EPII score, indicating that it can deal better than the other G7 countries with energy independence, productivity expansion, and social impact, and France’s and Italy’s the second tier. While Japan has a 0.50 EPI grade and the United States will have the lowest, the G7 countries are growing faster. Finally, we propose a policy framework for enhancing the research area. The energy, societal, and EPI were created by combining these elements. In terms of energy independence, economic growth, and sustainability practices, Canada beats the other G7 countries according to the data. France and Italy are in the 2nd and 3rd places, respectively. Despite having a higher level of economic development than the G7 countries, Japan has a 0.50 Environmental Performance Index rating, whereas the United States has a minimum average Environmental Performance Index rating. Finally, in order to improve the study’s subject, we propose a policy framework.


Author(s):  
Samantha Hepburn

The implementation of a responsive and coherent property framework, capable of effectively supporting the progression of a rapidly expanding unconventional gas industry is proving to be a complex and intricate process for many countries. The theory of mineral ownership that underpins any regulatory framework represents its point of departure. It is increasingly clear that the problems associated with the expansion of unconventional gas development have challenged both private and state based models. This article examines how the core principles that form the foundation for land and mineral ownership in both the United States and Australia have responded to the rapid expansion of the unconventional gas industry. The conventional inertia associated with institutionalized property frameworks has meant that the frameworks are largely resistant to external change. Hence, whilst the transformation that has occurred in the energy industries following the advent of unconventional gas development has been remarkable, ownership frameworks have struggled to cope. Many principles that evolved in a period when unconventional gas was inconceivable are now proving ill-equipped and non-responsive to the new energy environment. This Article argues that the stasis that afflicts ownership frameworks has precluded many of the conventional principles from adapting to meet the needs of this new energy revolution. This has generated an increasing imperative, in both the United States and Australia, to develop and implement legislative initiatives that revise or alter the way in which the schema of orthodox ownership principles applies to unconventional gas. Focused legislative development will promote adaptable, consistent, and structured principles, which in turn will allow ownership frameworks to respond to the operational demands of a new energy era.  


2009 ◽  
Vol 12 (3) ◽  
pp. 73-82
Author(s):  
John Abraham Godson

In looking at various circumstances surrounding the OPEC and the present economic crisis, one can come to a conclusion that this is the end of OPEC. This hypothesis could be supported by such factors as, falling OPEC share in the oil market, President Barack Obama’s new energy policy for the United States, depleting oil reserves and the increasing worries about environmental protection. Despite these factors, it seems that the most possible scenario would be the continued strong influence of OPEC on oil prices, albeit weakened. The above hypothesis is supported by fluctuation in oil prices, rising oil demands in emerging economies like China, the dominating influence of the automobile lobby, the negative effect of bio-fuel on agriculture and finally, the underdeveloped nature of many developing countries, which in turn mean dependent on oil for years to come.


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