The correctional custody facility: Rehabilitation of the first-time offender in the U.S. army

1983 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-68
Author(s):  
Robert Evan Thomas
Keyword(s):  
1992 ◽  
Vol 52 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Higgs

Relying on standard measures of macroeconomic performance, historians and economists believe that “war prosperity” prevailed in the United States during World War II. This belief is ill-founded, because it does not recognize that the United States had a command economy during the war. From 1942 to 1946 some macroeconomic performance measures are statistically inaccurate; others are conceptually inappropriate. A better grounded interpretation is that during the war the economy was a huge arsenal in which the well-being of consumers deteriorated. After the war genuine prosperity returned for the first time since 1929.


PEDIATRICS ◽  
1993 ◽  
Vol 92 (4) ◽  
pp. A78-A78
Author(s):  
B. H.

In a court battle beginning today, a judge will be asked for what is believed to be the first time to determine whether children have the right to take legal action on their own behalf. At the heart of the dispute in a Lake County, Fla., courtroom is a small, bespectacled boy who claims his childhood has been destroyed and who is doing battle with two formidable adversaries: his parents and the U.S. legal system. Gregory K., age 11, (his name is being withheld by the court) has taken the unprecedented step of filing a petition to divorce himself from his parents ... Judge C. Richard Singeltary is being asked to decide whether Gregory has the right to divorce his parents. The court is also being asked to allow Gregory's foster parents—with whom the boy has been living for nine month—to adopt him.


2021 ◽  
Vol 90 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-376
Author(s):  
Elizabeth O’Brien Ingleson

In December 1977, a tiny group of U.S. glove makers—most of whom were African American and Latina women—launched a petition before the U.S. International Trade Commission calling for protection from rising imports. Their target was China. Represented by the Work Glove Manufacturers Association, their petition called for quotas on a particular kind of glove entering the United States from China: cotton work gloves. This was a watershed moment. For the first time since the Communist Party came to power in 1949, U.S. workers singled out Chinese goods in pursuit of import relief. Because they were such a small group taking on a country as large as China, their supporters championed the cause as one of David versus Goliath. Yet the case has been forgotten, partly because the glove workers lost. Here I uncover their story, bringing the history of 1970s deindustrialization in the United States into conversation with U.S.-China rapprochement, one of the most significant political transformations of the Cold War. The case, and indeed the loss itself, reveals the tensions between the interests of U.S. workers, corporations, and diplomats. Yet the case does not provide a simple narrative of U.S. workers’ interests being suppressed by diplomats and policymakers nurturing globalized trade ties. Instead, it also underscored the conflicting interests within the U.S. labor movement at a time when manufacturing companies were moving their production jobs to East Asia.


Plant Disease ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 81 (11) ◽  
pp. 1333-1333 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. E. El-Gholl ◽  
T. S. Schubert ◽  
S. E. Walker ◽  
J. K. Stone

Plant pathologists in Florida and Oregon have recently found Cylindrocladium colhounii for the first time on two new ornamental plant species. Brown, pinpoint leaf spots were observed on Callistemon rigidus (stiff bottlebrush) in a Florida nursery. C. colhounii was isolated consistently from these lesions. To confirm Koch's postulates, 25 ml of aconidial suspension at 96,000 conidia per ml was used to spray a 38.1-cm branch of C. rigidus. Plants were maintained in a moist chamber at room temperature (25 ± 2°C). Symptoms appeared within 3 days, and included brown, pinpoint spots (1 mm or less) occurring on both leaf surfaces, sunken blotches, and blight. The fungus was consistently reisolated from symptomatic tissue. In Oregon, the first detection of C. colhounii was from leaf spots on Gaultheria procumbens (wintergreen) in a nursery. No proof of pathogenicity was done in Oregon on G. procumbens. C. colhounii has now been reported on 14 host genera in 10 families from Australia, India, Mauritius, South Africa, and the U.S. (FL, HI, LA, NC, OR, SC) (1–4). References: (1) P. W. Crous and M. J. Wingfield. Mycopathologia 122:45, 1993. (2) A. Peerally. Mycotaxon 40:323, 1991. (3) A. Y. Rossman. Mycol. Pap. No. 150, Commonw. Mycol. Inst., Kew, Surrey, England, 1983. (4) J. Y. Uchida and M. Aragaki. Plant Dis. 81:298, 1997.


Author(s):  
Etsuko Takushi Crissey

In September, 1945, with most Okinawans still in refugee camps, the U.S. military ordered elections for civilian leaders in which women were granted the right to vote for the first time, seven months earlier than in mainland Japan. Yet they were far more concerned about the many rapes committed by American soldiers. Women and girls were abducted from fields while searching for food, dragged away from their homes, and assaulted in front of their families. After months of inaction, the U.S. military decided to set up “special amusement areas” for prostitution in certain towns. Some Okinawans favoured this policy as a “breakwater” to protect women and children of “good” families, while others opposed it as exploitation of women. In 1967, at the peak of the Vietnam War, an estimated 10,000 women engaged in prostitution. In 1948 the U.S. military rescinded a ban on marriages between U.S. soldiers and Okinawan women that failed to prevent couples from having intimate relations and living together. Still, commanding officers pressured soldiers not to marry, threatening disciplinary transfers. By 1967, among thousands of biracial children in Okinawa, about half were raised by mothers or their relatives with little or no financial support from fathers.


Author(s):  
Donald W. Rogers

This introduction reframes the history of the U.S. Supreme Court decision Hague v. CIO (1939) that guaranteed speech and assembly rights in public municipal forums under federal law for the first time. It lifts the story out of standard treatment as a product of police repression of labor organizers by city boss Frank Hague, exploring instead the case’s broader roots in multiple changes in city governance, policing, the labor movement, civil liberties law, and anticommunism and antifascism politics of the late New Deal era. It urges examination of all sides of the controversy, winners and losers, scrutinizing evidence beyond antiboss sources, including varied newspapers, municipal reports, trial transcripts, labor archives, and federal court records. It views the case as part of a constitutional watershed.


Worldview ◽  
1979 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 23-36
Author(s):  
Jeremiah Novak

A crucial turning point in geopolitical history occurred on November 1, 1978, when President Carter announced a massive borrowing of foreign currencies to save the U.S. dollar. For the first time since World War II the U.S. was forced to borrow from the International Monetary Fund; and for the first time since 1893 the U.S. Treasury will have to issue bonds denominated in foreign monies—in this case Japanese yen, West German marks, and Swiss francs.What all this means is that the U.S. has acknowledged two things: that the European Economic Community (the EEC) and Japan are now its economic equals; and that America has forfeited the international economic supremacy it enjoyed since 1915.


Author(s):  
John L. Jackson

This chapter examines the controversy surrounding Obama's former, prophetic pastor Reverend Jeremiah A. Wright Jr. as it relates to Black identity. The controversy surrounding the comments of Rev. Wright can be traced to black religion's unsolicited interjection into the American public discourse on diversity during an unprecedented presidential campaign, when white America had begun to feel a measure of self-satisfaction about its capacity to transcend historic white supremacy and elect a black man to the high office of the U.S. presidency for the first time in American history. Public questions were raised about Obama's church and faith as well as the patriotism of Rev. Wright and the racial inclusiveness of black religion. Perhaps the controversy would have been less pronounced had black religion's public, “civil,” face been foregrounded. But it came by way of the culturally specific space of the Black Church, not just a context for movement organizing and racial unity, but the setting for challenging moral hypocrisy in an oppressive society.


Geophysics ◽  
1976 ◽  
Vol 41 (6) ◽  
pp. 1402-1402

After four straight months of increased activity, SEG’s September survey of oil companies and domestic contractors shows exploration in the U.S. and U.S. waters declined during the month (Figure 1). Comparative figures for U.S. land crews and marine vessels are given in Table 1. Preliminary seismic crew data from outside the U.S. were reported for the first time in September. The information in Table 2 was reported by the oil companies and contractors who provided the U.S. data. Additional data from other companies being surveyed will be announced as soon as it is available. SEG’s U.S. Seismic Crew Count is taken monthly for the Federal Energy Administration and is financed by a grant from the International Association of Geophysical Contractors.


1997 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 475-489 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert H. Zieger

During the Clinton administration, for the first time in almost twenty years, the character and direction of the U.S. industrial relations regime has become a matter of serious public debate. Clinton-appointed chair of the National Labor Relations Board (NLRB) William Gould IV has sought with some success to revivify an agency that in the 1980s had come to seem almost superfluous. The 1994 report entitledThe Commission on the Future of Worker-Management Relations(Dunlop Commission) stirred debate on the role of unions in the nation's future. Organized labor has sought, with some limited success, to place such critical topics as striker replacement on the national agenda. Meanwhile, congressional conservatives have sponsored measures to curb new organizing strategies such as “salting” anti-union workplaces with union activists. Even more moderate politicians, with support from at least some sections of the labor community, have proposed measures aimed at drastic recasting of the Wagner Act's Section 8(a) (2), which outlawed company unions, so as to permit so called “team” approaches to employee representation. The shake-up in the leadership of the AFL-CIO and the federation's launching of an unprecedented program of political mobilization, which in turn has drawn Republican counterfire reminiscent of the rhetoric of the 80th Congress, increases the possibility that basic matters of federal labor policy may, after a long absence from mainstream public discourse, may return to center stage.


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