Alien citizens: the state and religious minorities in Turkey and France

2020 ◽  
Vol 21 (5) ◽  
pp. 810-813
Author(s):  
Etga Ugur
2021 ◽  
pp. 003776862110123
Author(s):  
Roger Finke ◽  
Dane R Mataic

Research on religious freedom has found a vast chasm between constitutional promises and state practices, with constitutional promises being a poor predictor of the state’s support of religious freedom. This research changes the focus from religious freedom to religious equality. We propose that constitutional promises of religious equality will be associated with less discrimination against minority religions and we explore the relationships governance and the promises of religious equality hold with religious discrimination. We find that promises of religious equality are associated with less discrimination. When exploring the interactions between promises of equality and our governance measures, we find constitutional promises of religious equality largely erase the differences in religious discrimination between countries with and without free elections and an independent judiciary. Yet, the reduced discrimination against minority religions does not suggest that the state removes restrictions on minority religions, only that they are equal with other religions.


2007 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-86 ◽  
Author(s):  
Scott Poynting ◽  
Victoria Mason

This article compares the rise of anti-Muslim racism in Britain and Australia, from 1989 to 2001, as a foundation for assessing the extent to which the upsurge of Islamophobia after 11 September was a development of existing patterns of racism in these two countries. The respective histories of immigration and settlement by Muslim populations are outlined, along with the relevant immigration and ‘ethnic affairs’ policies and the resulting demographics. The article traces the ideologies of xenophobia that developed in Britain and Australia over this period. It records a transition from anti-Asian and anti-Arab racism to anti-Muslim racism, reflected in and responding to changes in the identities and cultural politics of the minority communities. It outlines instances of the racial and ethnic targeting by the state of the ethnic and religious minorities concerned, and postulates a causal relationship between this and the shifting patterns of acts of racial hatred, vilification and discrimination.


1968 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 101-119
Author(s):  
Paul P. Bernard

That Austria's monolithic refusal to tolerate religious minorities within its borders in an age of increasingly general religious permissiveness would not for long outlive Empress Maria Theresa must have been apparent to all but the most obtuse contemporary observers. Throughout the period of his coregency (1765–1780), Joseph II had made it plain on more than one occasion that while, unlike Frederick the Great, he did not believe that all his subjects might attain their salvation in whatever way seemed best to them, he was, nevertheless, aware that many of them would persist in assuring their damnation in spite of the best efforts of Church and crown to save them. And he was unwilling to let the obduracy of a minority of his subjects cause the state to lose their wealth, their services, and their loyalty. Dominated by such radical ideas on the place of religious minorities in a state, Joseph, State Chancellor Prince Wenzel Kaunitz, and Franz Joseph Heinke, once Kaunitz's man but now independently charged with drawing up policy guidelines for a subsequent reorganization of Church-state relations, were as early as 1769 discussing not the advisability of tolerating non-Catholic religions but ways and means of implementing such toleration.


2021 ◽  
pp. 2455328X2110389
Author(s):  
Swamy Kalva

This article deals with the recent issues of rising mob lynchings, atrocities on Dalits, Adivasis and religious minorities across the state. This study asserts that the Hindutva ideology itself is violence provoking one and the Sangh Parivar has started implementing its ideas into practice now. By committing these atrocious acts by the Hindutva mobs and the BJP governments holding the constitutional position and encouraging the mobs to commit the crimes reflects the same—to send a clear message to the religious minorities to live as second class citizens or else leave the country nothing less or nothing more. And nobody is going to escape this larger than life-size ambition of the RSS that India should be a Great Hindu Nation again like the ancient times.


2013 ◽  
pp. 154-164
Author(s):  
Katerina Elbakyan

In modern Russia, one often hears about the claims of state bodies to certain religious organizations, mainly related to the so-called “religious minorities”. The result is judicial precedents, when individual religious organizations are forced, often repeatedly, to appeal to the courts of various instances, including the European Court of Human Rights, in order to solve their problems. Sometimes, on the contrary, the state makes charges against religious organizations.


Author(s):  
Dr Abdul Fareed Brohi ◽  
Dr Zaheer-ud-Din Bahram

Pakistan is a diverse society with varied ethnicities and cultures, and is an enormously plural country characterized by religious, sectarian and ethno-linguistic diversities. It has an overwhelming Muslim population comprises more than ninety-six percent of its 220 million people. Islam is declared the state religion of Pakistan. There are religious minorities who identify themselves as non-Muslim Pakistanis. The constitution of Pakistan is a safeguard for the minorities which provides religious and social rights to the minorities. Generally the minorities of Pakistan are very faithful and patriotic to Pakistan. Since the creation of Pakistan, many non-Muslim citizens of Pakistan have been serving the nation and participating in the nation-building process.


2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 389-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Roger Finke ◽  
Robert R. Martin ◽  
Jonathan Fox

AbstractResearch has documented that religious minorities often face the brunt of religious discrimination. Yet formal tests, using global collections, have been lacking. Building on the religious economy theory and recent work in law and politics, we propose that minority religions face discrimination from the state because they represent unwanted competition for the state supported religion, are viewed as a threat to the state and larger culture, and lack support from an independent judiciary. Drawing on the recently collected Religion and State-Minorities collection on more than 500 minority religions, we find support for each of the propositions, though the level of support varies based on the targets of state discrimination. In general, the support is strongest when explaining discrimination against minority religion's institutions and clergy, but weakens when explaining more general discrimination against the membership.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-149 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonas Lindberg

This is a case study on the kinds of values that were invoked in the parliamentary debates in 2009 on whether or not Danish judges and Norwegian policewomen should be allowed to wear veils for religious reasons in their line of duty. The case marks a shift and the limits of the until-then fairly liberal religious accommodation by the two states. Despite the high esteem of gender equality in Denmark and Norway, gender values are less referred to in these debates and the most common values are instead secularism, secular progress and neutrality or, more explicitly, the impartiality and credibility of the state. The findings are understood as a sign of the adaptive character of symbolic politics to focus on different values depending on the issue, as the underlying purpose is to distinguish between the majority population and (religious) minorities through the use of a narrative of secular progress. A secularism based on such narrative is used to express a clash between values associated with secularity, freedom and modernity and religion, oppression and tradition, here symbolised by the wearing of veils.


Author(s):  
Charles L. Cohen

“Medieval interactions (700–1500)” considers the relationships among Jews, Christians, and Muslims between 700 and 1500 ce. Islam’s close association with the state influenced the development of its theology and law, the leading discipline for ordering Islamic societies and for framing Muslims’ interactions with Christians and Jews. The association of both Christianity and Islam with state power encouraged ideologies that could justify military action against the other, most notably the Crusades. Religious minorities—Jews and Christians in Muslim lands; Jews and Muslims in Christian territory—often lived restricted lives, yet Christian and especially Muslim practice sometimes allowed for toleration as well as extensive cultural and intellectual exchange, albeit without ceding political control.


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