Il simbolico e la via del movimento delle donne

Symbolic politics has been one of the key phrases in Italian feminism since the 1970s. This text describes the historical origins and significance of this concept together with the difference in the use of the symbolic dimension in traditional male politics. The most important difference is that female politics are born from living and affective relations which cannot be permanently established and rotate around non-formalized procedural practices. The sense that emerges is felt during the actual process and the symbolic is therefore experienced and transformed from the inside with the authority that comes from these practices, which influence and modify each other due to their closeness. They spread by proximity.

The Social Representational Theory of Symbolic Politics

<p>While there have been repeated exhortations that the study of political behaviour be accorded greater status in social psychological research, such calls have gone relatively unheeded. This thesis is intended to address to some small extent this problem. Specifically, an argument is presented to address the flaws of a little-heralded theory of political behaviour, symbolic politics theory (Sears, 1993), by re-articulating that theory within a broader theory of social behaviour, social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973; 1988). At its heart symbolic politics contends that political behaviour is based on the evocation of 'symbolic predispositions' in response to symbolic content of political objects. Following Verkuyten (1985) political symbols and symbolic predispositions are re-interpreted from the perspective of social representations theory. The result is a shift in emphasis onto the role of values, discourse, and social interaction in political preference and opinion. These concepts are investigated using data derived from a four-phase panel survey of the Wellington, New Zealand, electorates, as well as transcripts of parliamentary debates, and a laboratory experiment to provide support for the re-articulation of symbolic politics within this framework. The first two studies present qualitative and quantitative analyses of open-ended questions designed to probe the subjective meanings of ideological labels, and the concepts, ideas, and values associated with the major political parties of the time. The results indicate that the boundaries of group membership are defined by differences in representational content between groups, as well as within-group consensus. The second set of studies investigate the role of social values in political perception and preference. Firstly, political parties were differentiated by the frequency of rhetorical use by their members of the two values of freedom and equality, consistent with the predictions of Rokeach (1973). Secondly, survey respondents used a value-attribution instrument to indicate the values which they perceived parties to oppose or endorse. Again, the values associated with these parties were shown to be predictive of preference. Thirdly, respondents completed the Schwartz (1992) values inventory, which was used to produce a value profile of supporters of different parties' supporters. Weak support was found for Rokeach's (1973) two-value model of politics, with the parties differentiable on two discriminant functions defined by self-reliance values and equality values. The final study in this section presents the results of a laboratory manipulation in which groups of participants viewed different party political advertisements before rating the major parties for favourability and value attributions. This study indicates that exposure to political media may influence the values parties are seen to represent, and that this may impact positively or negatively on perceptions of the favourability of those parties. The final empirical chapter utilises a social network measure to investigate the role, if any, that one's interpersonal environment may play in political preference and representations. A clear relationship was found between the political composition of the environment and primary respondent preference and ideological self-identification. These findings are interpreted as supporting the social representational theory of symbolic politics. Qualifications and limitations of a representational theory of symbolic politics are discussed, as are the implications for such a conceptualisation of political and social behaviour.</p>

The Social Representational Theory of Symbolic Politics

<p>While there have been repeated exhortations that the study of political behaviour be accorded greater status in social psychological research, such calls have gone relatively unheeded. This thesis is intended to address to some small extent this problem. Specifically, an argument is presented to address the flaws of a little-heralded theory of political behaviour, symbolic politics theory (Sears, 1993), by re-articulating that theory within a broader theory of social behaviour, social representations theory (Moscovici, 1973; 1988). At its heart symbolic politics contends that political behaviour is based on the evocation of 'symbolic predispositions' in response to symbolic content of political objects. Following Verkuyten (1985) political symbols and symbolic predispositions are re-interpreted from the perspective of social representations theory. The result is a shift in emphasis onto the role of values, discourse, and social interaction in political preference and opinion. These concepts are investigated using data derived from a four-phase panel survey of the Wellington, New Zealand, electorates, as well as transcripts of parliamentary debates, and a laboratory experiment to provide support for the re-articulation of symbolic politics within this framework. The first two studies present qualitative and quantitative analyses of open-ended questions designed to probe the subjective meanings of ideological labels, and the concepts, ideas, and values associated with the major political parties of the time. The results indicate that the boundaries of group membership are defined by differences in representational content between groups, as well as within-group consensus. The second set of studies investigate the role of social values in political perception and preference. Firstly, political parties were differentiated by the frequency of rhetorical use by their members of the two values of freedom and equality, consistent with the predictions of Rokeach (1973). Secondly, survey respondents used a value-attribution instrument to indicate the values which they perceived parties to oppose or endorse. Again, the values associated with these parties were shown to be predictive of preference. Thirdly, respondents completed the Schwartz (1992) values inventory, which was used to produce a value profile of supporters of different parties' supporters. Weak support was found for Rokeach's (1973) two-value model of politics, with the parties differentiable on two discriminant functions defined by self-reliance values and equality values. The final study in this section presents the results of a laboratory manipulation in which groups of participants viewed different party political advertisements before rating the major parties for favourability and value attributions. This study indicates that exposure to political media may influence the values parties are seen to represent, and that this may impact positively or negatively on perceptions of the favourability of those parties. The final empirical chapter utilises a social network measure to investigate the role, if any, that one's interpersonal environment may play in political preference and representations. A clear relationship was found between the political composition of the environment and primary respondent preference and ideological self-identification. These findings are interpreted as supporting the social representational theory of symbolic politics. Qualifications and limitations of a representational theory of symbolic politics are discussed, as are the implications for such a conceptualisation of political and social behaviour.</p>

2021 State Duma elections: blogs, social networks, and party Identity in the virtual space

This article provides a comprehensive review of the modern Internet practices and virtual platforms in the sphere of politics aimed at promotion of different forms of voting technologies. The authors analyze public strategies of the political parties and candidates in the course of election campaign for the 2021 State Duma elections using the example of electoral constituency of St. Petersburg. The subject of this research is the use of digital means of communication that form virtual identity of the electorate during the 2021 State Duma elections. The object of this research is the representation of party ideologies and civic &ldquo;symbolic politics&rdquo; &nbsp;on the Internet based on the example of the popular video platforms YouTube, Tik-Tok as well as the traditional social networks Vkontakte and Facebook. The goal lies in the analysis of interaction of public actors with the audience (followers) in the course of conducting the electoral campaign. The scientific novelty of this article is substantiated by systematic and structural analysis of the scarce elements of virtual identity of Internet users on the example of electoral strategies of representation. The conclusion is drawn on the growing trends of building the so-called symbolic politics &ldquo;from the bottom&rdquo; and emergence of numerous actors that create sociopolitical content in the virtual space. The research methodology employs the content analysis of virtual communication channels, relying on the classical theory of symbolic politics and political identity. This theory can be modified by separate aspects of digitalization of the political subfield, which the modern researchers consider as virtual reality.

The concept of «crisis» as an instrument of articulation of political interests in the socio-political discourse (by the example of Russian federal and regional mass media)

The article analyzes the concept of «crisis» as an attribute of symbolic politics, which is reflected in the socio-political discourse. The aim was to study the concept of «crisis» as a tool for the struggle of discourses depending on the political interests of actors. The most important source of modern socio-political discourse is the mass media. In this regard, the study of the manifestations of the concept of «crisis» was carried out using the tools of content analysis and qualitative analysis of the text. As a result of the analysis of the content of the Russian federal and regional mass media, the hypothesis that the concept of «crisis» is used in the struggle of discourses, taking semantic meanings determined by the political interests of actors, were confirmed. The predominance of crisis content in the federal press is recorded. It is also noted that the federal and regional media do not so much broadcast a picture of reality, as they take part in the transformation of ideas about this reality. The data and conclusions obtained as a result of the study allow us to further more objectively assess the motivational and substantive aspects of the escalation of crisis situations in the public field.

Sacred (re)Collections

This article discusses how state-organized, memory-cultural production drawing on religious signifiers contributes to a sacralization of Turkish public memory institutions and public space. This reinforces an Islamic-nationalist imagination of contemporary Turkey. The article explores state-led, disciplinary interventions in museal space (the Sacred Trusts exhibition of relics at Topkapı Palace Museum) and commemorative ritual in public space, display and education (the rise, fall and recalibration of Holy Birth Week (Kutlu Doğum Haftası). Drawing on theories of symbolic politics, nationalism, memory and space, the article elucidates the sacralization of Turkish memory production as a contesting yet malleable negotiation of nationalism. Innovative Islamic memory practice and ritualization requires careful discursive and disciplinary boundary drawing, catering to theological sensitivities and Sunni-orthodox mores. Then again, the spatial boundaries between various memory-cultural domains are becoming less distinct. Today, Islamic-nationalist imaginaries surface in the interstices of public memory institutions, public education and everyday public space.

"alte Traum von alten Deutschland"

Similar to national feasts - e.g. the Wartburg Fest 1817 - German music festivals could be understood as symbolic politics: the masses of interpreters and listeners representing the German 'nation', the works, especially symhonies and oratorios, representing the 'greatness' of German culture (shown in texts by Wolfgang Robert Griepenkerl, Eduard Krüger, Robert Schumann). Mendelssohn's <Lobgesang>, first performed at the Leipzig Gutenberg Fest 1841, then one year later at the Düsseldorf music festival, is discussed as music for national feasts (with its references to the national 'heroes' Gutenberg, Luther, and Beethoven).

Keterlibatan WALHI dalam Politik Lingkungan Hidup terhadap Kasus Kabut Asap di Riau

Penelitian ini menelaah keterlibatan Walhi dalam politik lingkungan hidup terhadap kasus kabut asap di Riau dengan menggunakan sudut pandang Walhi sebagai organisasi non-pemerintah (NGO) yang banyak memberikan pengaruh dalam proses pengambilan kebijakan oleh pemerintah terhadap isu-isu lingkungan, khususnya di Riau pada saat bencana kabut asap. Ada upaya penggunaan relasi kekuasaan oleh Walhi sebagai organisasi non-pemerintah (NGO) melalui konsep kesempatan politik (political opportunity) dalam mengangkat isu bencana kabut asap di Riau sehingga menjadi isu lingkungan dalam lingkup internasional. Strategi advokasi transnasional (transnational advocacy) digunakan oleh Walhi Riau untuk memperlihatkan garis relasi kekuasaannya sebagai organisasi non-pemerintah (NGO) untuk memengaruhi kebijakan pemerintah daerah provinsi Riau terkait bencana kabut asap. Mulai dari strategi (1) information politics, yaitu kemampuan dalam menghasilkan informasi dan mengarahkan dampak yang akan terjadi dari informasi yang didapat. (2) symbolic politics, yakni kemampuan dalam menyerukan simbol maupun aksi yang dapat memunculkan opini publik dan framing serta konstruksi suatu isu, (3) leverage politics, merupakan kemampuan dalam memengaruhi situasi tertentu pada saat salah satu pihak tidak mampu memberikan pengaruh, dan (4) accountability politics, adalah usaha dalam mempertahankan aktor yang berkuasa agar tetap memegang kebijakan yang telah ditetapkan.

Red for Ed Teacher Movements: Exploring Roles and Symbols in the Politics of the Superintendency

Purpose: In recent years, a new wave of teacher-led political action has erupted resulting in work stoppages in several states across the United States. This study examines how superintendents navigated this Red for Ed movement in two representative states. Methods: Framed as a multisite, embedded case study, we drew from public documents and semistructured interviews with superintendents. We took a deductive approach to data analysis, seeking analytic generalization to the theoretical frameworks adopted herein. Findings: Red for Ed-motivated teacher job actions did create a political dilemma for superintendents. Superintendents addressed the dilemma by utilizing the roles of business manager, instructional leader, and politician as expressed through symbolic politics including assigning responsibility and vaguely supporting the Red for Ed cause. Superintendent responses are consistent with isomorphic tenants of sociological institutionalism. Implications: Considering the modern superintendency’s political nature, superintendents might benefit from preparation in political strategy and tactics.