Music Deposited by Stationers' Hall at the Library of the University and King's College of Aberdeen, 1753–96

1997 ◽  
Vol 30 ◽  
pp. 139-162 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Turbet

Under the provisions of the 1709 Copyright Act, Scottish universities were entitled to a copy of each printed work entered at Stationers' Hall, London. This entitlement ceased in 1836 when the five Scottish universities agreed to receive an annual payment in lieu of the privilege of deposit. Amongst the many difficulties thrown up by the well-intentioned legislation of 1709, a peculiarly Aberdonian aspect was that the Act specified only ‘the Four Univerisities in Scotland’ provoking arguments as to which of Aberdeen's two universities, King's College or Marischal College, should be the recipient. Although this was- resolved in favour of King's College, it is clear that friction persisted. As late as 1826 the Aberdeen Censor was urging, ‘I wish the members of Marischal College would look to what has become o’ the Stationers' Hall music'. This seems to be the only reference in contemporary literature to the collection.

2020 ◽  
Vol 39 (03) ◽  
pp. 192-196
Author(s):  
Angelo L. Maset ◽  
Dionei Freitas de Morais ◽  
Sérgio Ivo Calzolari

AbstractWe know Kocher's name as an anatomical reference in neurosurgery. In fact, Theodor Kocher was a Swiss general surgeon, and his contributions were such that Kocher was honored in 1909 with the Nobel Prize in Medicine and Physiology, and he was the first surgeon to receive this honor. Kocher participated in the initial scientific phase of medicine, living with names that are in history, as well as him; Langenbeck and Virchow, Lucke, Billroth, Horsley, Lister, Halstedt, Pasteur, Osler, Lawson Tait, Verneuil, and a long list and other icons of the time. The present account rescues the many important facets and contributions of the Swiss surgeon Theodor Kocher, and his relationship with several of them. Kocher's memory, surgical instruments and literary production are preserved in a small wing of the University of Bern. The present article highlights how intense Kocher's dedication to the medical field was.


Author(s):  
Jack Copeland

There is no such person as the inventor of the computer: it was a group effort. The many pioneers involved worked in different places and at different times, some in relative isolation and others within collaborative research networks. There are some very famous names among them, such as Charles Babbage and John von Neumann—and, of course, Alan Turing himself. Other leading names in this roll of honour include Konrad Zuse, Tommy Flowers, Howard Aiken, John Atanasoff, John Mauchly, Presper Eckert, Jay Forrester, Harry Huskey, Julian Bigelow, Samuel Alexander, Ralph Slutz, Trevor Pearcey, Maurice Wilkes, Max Newman, Freddie Williams, and Tom Kilburn. Turing’s own outstanding contribution was to invent what he called the ‘universal computing machine’. He was first to describe the basic logical principles of the modern computer, writing these down in 1936, 12 years before the appearance of the earliest implementation of his ideas. This came in 1948, when Williams and Kilburn succeeded in wiring together the first electronic universal computing machine—the first modern electronic computer. In 1936, at the age of just 23, Turing invented the fundamental logical principles of the modern computer—almost by accident. A shy boyish-looking genius, he had recently been elected a Fellow of King’s College, Cambridge. The young Turing worked alone, in a spartan room at the top of an ancient stone building beside the River Cam. It was all quite the opposite of a modern research facility—Cambridge’s scholars had been doing their thinking in comfortless stone buildings, reminiscent of cathedrals or monasteries, ever since the university had begun to thrive in the Middle Ages. A few steps from King’s, along narrow medieval lanes, are the buildings and courtyards where, in the seventeenth century, Isaac Newton revolutionized our understanding of the universe. Turing was about to usher in another revolution. He was engaged in theoretical work in the foundations of mathematics. No-one could have guessed that anything of practical value would emerge from his highly abstract research, let alone a machine that would change all our lives.


Author(s):  
J. A. Allen

Inspection of fauna lists suggests that many authors have found difficulty in identifying the British species of Thracia, most being content to list them as Thracia spp. Examination of museum collections and even keys to identification (Ziegelmeier, 1957) shows many errors of identification. The problem was brought to notice when some specimens dredged off the Northumberland coast appeared to differ from the five species recognized as occurring in British waters. It was decided that a study of the specific differences similar to that of Holme (1951, 1959) for Ensis and Lutraria, and Allen (1954) for Nucula, would be useful.Specimens, particularly undamaged ones, of the British species of Thracia are difficult to obtain because they are both fragile and rare, and I am greatly indebted to the many people who were so kind as to give material and information for this study. These included Mr J. H. Barrett, Dale Fort Field Centre; Dr C. Burdon-Jones, Marine Biology Station, Menai Bridge; Mr I. C. J. Galbraith, British Museum (Nat. Hist.); Prof. R. A. R. Gresson, Queen's University, Belfast; Prof. L. A. Harvey, The University, Exeter; Mr N. A. Holme, Marine Biological Association, Plymouth; Dr N. S. Jones, Marine Biological Station, Port Erin; Mr A. D. Mclntyre, Scottish Home Department, Aberdeen; Mr R. McLaughlin, The University, Aberdeen; Dr R. H. Millar and Dr R. B. Pike, Scottish Marine Biological Association, Millport; Mr A. M. Tynan, Hancock Museum, Newcastle upon Tyne. I also wish to thank Dr D. A. Edwards, King's College, Newcastle upon Tyne, for assistance in matters mathematical.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 7-7
Author(s):  
Cassandra Barragan ◽  
Stephanie Wladkowski

Abstract Diversity and inclusion are essential perspectives on university campuses. In recent years, there has been a nationwide decline in admissions resulting in changes to traditionally FTIAC driven college campuses. An environmental scan was completed at a mid-sized midwestern university to explore age-inclusive barriers and opportunities for change. In-depth interviews were held with 28 EMU stakeholders representing a wide variety of ages in leadership positions across campus. Students aged 40 and above (N=248) were also surveyed about their experiences on campus. Qualitative analysis revealed ageist attitudes about older adults and older students from at all levels of the university. Results demonstrate that initial responses to ‘age-friendly’ focused on stereotypes of older adults, but attitudes adjusted when reframed as older learners and further refined when older learners were defined as 40 and above. Additionally, there was a distinct disconnect between ageist perceptions towards older adults and older students which highlights the importance of intergenerational opportunities as an approach to combat ageist attitudes on campus. While these barriers require long-term and complicated solutions, participants described the many benefits that older learners bring to enrich the campus. Results of this research revealed opportunities to reframe aging in the context of diversity and inclusion efforts on campus. Adopting diversity efforts to include age can benefit universities in not only admissions, classroom experiences, and connections to surrounding communities.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (Supplement_1) ◽  
pp. 192-193
Author(s):  
Rinat Cohen ◽  
Gal Maydan ◽  
Shai Brill ◽  
Jiska Cohen-Mansfield

Abstract Family caregivers (FCs) of institutionalized noncommunicative older persons reported multiple unmet communication needs focusing on the need to receive reliable and regular updates on the patient’s condition. We have developed a mobile app for improving communication between FCs and healthcare professionals (HPs), based on 152 interviews with FCs and 13 discussion groups with HPs from four Israeli geriatric facilities. Both parties participated in app planning, tailoring it to their needs and abilities. App use implementation encountered major obstacles including the bureaucratic process concerning signing contracts between the university and software development firms, which hindered the process for a full year; data security department required disproportionate security levels that interfered with user experience and delayed the development process; the study’s definition varied across different ethics/Helsinki committees (Institutional Review Boards; IRBs), which led to different demands, e.g., insurance for medical clinical trials although no drugs or medical device were involved; lack of cooperation by mid-level staff members despite the institutional adoption of the app project; low utilization by HPs resulted in FCs not receiving timely responses. Despite these and other obstacles, we tested app use for 15 months in one facility in a pre-post-design with intervention and control groups, and we have since begun testing it in another facility. FCs who had used the app had positive feedback and wished to continue using it. App use optimization requires implementation planning, assimilating changes in each facility’s work procedures and HP’s engagement and motivation and thus depends on institutional procedures and politics.


1973 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-68 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hillel Schwartz

“Oh, Mr. Pym, this breaks the heart,” lamented Sir Richard Grosvenor in the House of Commons in 1629; “if God be God, let us follow him, and if Baal be God, let us follow him, and no longer halt between two opinions.” The Baalites, it was clear to the Commons, were the Arminians, who threatened “the very ruin and desolation if not dissolution of Religion in this land.” Such was the threat of Arminianism that when the Commons presented its Protestations on March 2, the first article read,Whosoever shall bring in innovation in Religion, or by favour or countenance, seek to extend or introduce Popery or Arminianism or other opinions disagreeing from the true and orthodox Church, shall be reputed a capital enemy to this Kingdom and Commonwealth.This was no ordinary condemnation of schism or theological haggling. The members of the Commons shared a strong suspicion of Arminianism as a political as well as religious heresy. They had a clear idea of what English Arminianism was and who was an Arminian. Before 1624, no Englishman had even been accused of Arminianism, either in Parliament or in contemporary literature devoted to religious controversies. How did the definition of English Arminianism develop between 1624 and 1629? How did Arminianism, originally a moderate Dutch Calvinism, come to be considered along with Popery as a treasonable theology?At the turn of the seventeeth century, Jacobus Arminius, Divinity Reader at the University of Leyden, had proposed a theological compromise between Supralapsarian and Infralapsarian Protestantism.


1956 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 156-159
Author(s):  
O. G. S. Crawford

The prudent contributor to a Festschrift will select some subject about which he thinks he knows as much as the professor who is to receive it. That is peculiarly difficult here because of the vast range of Professor Childe's knowledge, both in time and space, far exceeding the present contributor's. This Note is offered as a grateful tribute from one of the many who have been intellectually enriched by his writings and encouraged by his devotion to scholarship. It is little more than an amplification and criticism of the Abbé Breuil's classic Presidential Address to the Prehistoric Society of East Anglia, delivered in 1934; but on the strength of observations made in August and September, 1955, I have come to different conclusions.The Abbé Breuil detected five successive techniques, all of them found on the stones of the Boyne Tombs:(1) Incised thin lines (pl. XIX, B).(2) Picked grooves left rough (pl. XVIII).(3, a) Picked grooves afterwards rubbed smooth; in this and the preceding group ‘it is invariably the line (groove) itself on which the pattern depends, which gives and is the design’.(3, b) Picked areas which ‘only define the limits of the pattern, the surface, left in relief by the cutting down of the background, constituting the actual design’ (pl. xx, B).(4) Rectilinear patterns where also the pattern is residual, consisting of raised ribs, forming triangles or lozenges, left standing by picking away the surrounding surface (pl. xx, A).


1924 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. G. D. Murray ◽  
R. Ayrton

Every bacteriologist is only too well aware of the many problems presented by the preparation of culture media for the growth of bacteriain vitro.


It is my pleasant duty to welcome you all most warmly to this meeting, which is one of the many events stimulated by the advisory committee of the William and Mary Trust on Science and Technology and Medicine, under the Chairmanship of Sir Arnold Burgen, the immediate past Foreign Secretary of the Royal Society. This is a joint meeting of the Royal Society and the British Academy, whose President, Sir Randolph Quirk, will be Chairman this afternoon, and it covers Science and Civilization under William and Mary, presumably with the intention that the Society would cover Science if the Academy would cover Civilization. The meeting has been organized by Professor Rupert Hall, a Fellow of the Academy and also well known to the Society, who is now Emeritus Professor of the History of Science and Technology at Imperial College in the University of London; and Mr Norman Robinson, who retired in 1988 as Librarian to the Royal Society after 40 years service to the Society.


Author(s):  
Joan M. Gilmour

AbstractIn Moore v. Regents of the University of California, the Supreme Court of California held that the human source of blood and tissue used by his physician and other defendants in potentially lucrative medical research without his permission could not assert a legal claim that, in doing so, the defendants had deprived him of any property right in these materials or the cell line developed from them. He was, however, permitted to proceed with his claim that there had been a failure to obtain his informed consent to the excision or removal of these materials, given that their end uses were not disclosed. The decision in Moore is but one example of the range of new legal problems created by the many and rapid advances in biotechnology, and of the attempts courts are making to respond. The judgment raises questions about whether these types of issues as between the patient and medical, research, and pharmaceutical concerns can or ought to be analyzed in terms of property rights. Are the general justifications for recognizing proprietary rights that have traditionally been influential in judicial decisions useful or helpful in this context? And what of the identity of the decision-maker? In Moore, the majority was content to effectively delegate much of the decision-making authority to the U.S. Patent Office and the Office of Technology Assessment. While there are no Canadian decisions directly on point as yet, the pace of technological advances, the potential for economic gain, and the international nature of biotechnology enterprises all set the scene for these issues' coming before our courts in the near future. This paper begins to explore the implications of adopting an analytical model based on property rights and to address the fact that the biotechnology industry already operates on the premise that such material can be owned. It concludes that the current legal regime needs to be modified to allow effective control of these new realities and suggests principles that might be adopted to address important concerns that are raised by the transformation of human tissue and cells into economic goods.


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