scholarly journals Crisis del Estado de Bienestar y desafíos del siglo XXI: dualismo vital y brecha ciudadana

2017 ◽  
pp. 133-161
Author(s):  
Juana María GIL RUIZ
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Class Conflict ◽  
Medium Term ◽  
Gender Conflict ◽  
The Public ◽  
Las Mujeres ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In ◽  
Special Protection ◽  
The Welfare State

LABURPENA: Klaseen gatazka elementu giltzarria izan zen aurreko mendeko estatu soziala edo ongizate-estatua ulertzeko; XXI. mendeko mundu mailako krisia ulertzeko, ordea, genero-gatazka deiturikoa da elementu giltzarria, eta, zalantzarik gabe, aro berri honetako erronkak ezaugarritzen ditu. Artikulu honek bere egiten du genero-metodologia, eta, Europako nahiz estatuko araudiaren bilakaera- testuinguruan eta emakumeek lan-eremuan duten kokalekuaren diagnostikotik abiatuta, Espainiak ongizate-estatuaren krisiaren aurrean emandako erantzuna eta emakumeek hiritar diren heinean duten babesgabetasuna jorratzen dira. Era berean, hobetzeari begirako proposamen juridiko-politiko batzuk aurreratuko dira, ongizate-estatuaren egungo desoreketatik abiatuta, epe labur-ertainean herritarren gainera eroriko diren arrisku batzuk ahaztu gabe. Lege ferenda-ko proposamen horiek —ez esklusiboak, gutxi gorabeherakoak baizik—, bizi-dualismoa eta herritarren banaketa konpontzeari begirakoak, hein handi batean zentratuko dira kontziliazio‑eskubidea berreskuratzeko arloan, kontziliazio-eskubide horrek izan behar duen horretatik abiatuta: babes eta sustapen berezia behar dituen eremua da, murrizketarik edo luzamendurik onartzen ez duena. RESUMEN: Si el conflicto de clases fue un elemento clave para entender la existencia del Estado Social o de Bienestar en el siglo pasado, lo cierto es que el llamado conflicto de Género, lo es para la comprensión de la Crisis Global del siglo XXIi y enmarca, sin duda, los nuevos desafíos de esta nueva era. Este artículo hace suyo la metodología de género y aborda —en un contexto de evolución normativa europea y nacional y partiendo del diagnóstico de la posición de las mujeres en la esfera laboral—, la respuesta española ante la crisis del Estado de Bienestar y la desprotección de éstas en tanto que ciudadanas. Asimismo, se avanzarán algunas propuestas jurídico-políticas concluyentes y de mejora, partiendo de los desequilibrios actuales del Estado de Bienestar, sin obviar algunos de los peligros que se ciernen a corto-medio plazo sobre la ciudadanía. Estas propuestas de lege ferenda —no exclusivas sino aproximativas— dirigidas a resolver el dualismo vital y la brecha ciudadana, se centrarán en buena medida, en recuperar el derecho de conciliación como lo que debe ser: un ámbito que requiere de especial protección y promoción y que no es susceptible de recortes ni postergaciones. ABSTRACT: If the Class conflict was key for the understanding of the welfare state in the last century, the so-called Gender conflict has become fundamental for a similar understanding of the 21st century Global Crisis and its challenging consequences. This article supports the gender methodology and addresses —in the context of the evolution of national and European legislations on the basis of the women status in the labour market—, the Spanish response to the crisis of the welfare state and the lack of protection of women as citizens. In addition, insofar Spain must respond to the commitments made to Europe regarding the public agenda, some conclusive legal and political proposals and improvements will be made in this paper, based on the current imbalances of the welfare state, without neglecting some of the dangers in the short-medium term of the citizenship. These lege ferenda proposals —not comprehensive but rather approximate— are aimed at resolving the vital dualism and the citizenship gap. They will focus, to a great extent, on recovering the right of conciliation as what it should be: an area that requires special protection and promotion and which is not susceptible to cuts or any further delays.

scholarly journals The Right to Public Information. Selected Interpretation Doubts in the Doctrine and Jurisprudence of Administrative Courts

2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 129
Author(s):  
Dominik J. Kościuk ◽  
Justyna Kulikowska-Kulesza
Keyword(s):  
Public Information ◽  
Case Law ◽  
Access To Information ◽  
Information Bulletin ◽  
The Public ◽  
Disclosure Of Information ◽  
Disclosure Rules ◽  
Administrative Courts ◽  
The Right ◽  
Made In

<p>The provisions of the Act on Access to Public Information regulate, among others, the subjective and objective scope of the right to public information, reasons for restricting access to information, procedure and form of disclosure, rules for creating and publishing information in the Public Information Bulletin, costs of activities leading to the disclosure of information and the establishment of complaint proceedings in the event of refusal to provide the public information requested. Therefore, it is worth to pay attention to several problems arising from the analysis of statutory provisions and the practical consequences of applying the Act of 6 September 2001 on Access to Public Information. The current, extremely extensive, output of doctrine and jurisprudence allows for a fairly “efficient” summary of the considerations made in both literature and judicial and administrative case law.</p>

scholarly journals REGULATIONS IN THE SOCIAL WELFARE STATE: NORDIC COUNTRIES AND TURKEY EXAMPLE

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Nagihan Ozkanca Andic ◽  
Ekrem Karayilmazlar
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Public Expenditure ◽  
Nordic Countries ◽  
Data Envelopment ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
Political Factors ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Welfare State

The Public Expenditure/GDP ratio is one of the most significant metrics that measure the state's share of the economy. It can be said that there is an interventionist state type in countries where this rate is high, or it can be argued that the share of the public sector in the economy is low in countries where this rate is low. It is also possible to argue that the countries' economic, sociological, and political factors play an essential role in determining this ratio. Regulations, which are the most important tools of the welfare state, may arise through economic controls as well as through social policies. This study aims to find an answer to the question of whether this situation is possible for a developing country such as Turkey while Nordic countries, which determine a system different from other welfare models, succeed in raising social welfare without giving up the principles such as equality and justice that they have despite the globalization effect. The data obtained by various methods were subjected to comparison using the Data Envelopment Analysis method in order to achieve this purpose. <p> </p><p><strong> Article visualizations:</strong></p><p><img src="/-counters-/edu_01/0777/a.php" alt="Hit counter" /></p>

scholarly journals Perspectiva bioética del Trastorno por déficit de atención e hiperactividad (TDAH)

Bioderecho.es ◽  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Diego José García Capilla ◽  
María José Torralba Madrid
Keyword(s):  
Health Care ◽  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Pharmaceutical Industry ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Children And Adolescents ◽  
Right To Health ◽  
Critical Perspective ◽  
The Right ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
The Welfare State

La aparición del Estado del bienestar a mitad del siglo XX tuvo consecuencias sanitarias que culminan con el reconocimiento del derecho a la protección de la salud y el deber de asistencia sanitaria del Estado, con una extensión de la medicina a campos desconocidos, medicalizando la vida de las personas. El TDAH es un caso paradigmático, convirtiéndose en una patología psiquiátrica a partir de su inclusión en el DSM-III 1980, con inconsistencias y subjetividad en las clasificaciones. La etiología del trastorno es desconocida, su diagnóstico es subjetivo y dudoso, su tratamiento poco efectivo y con riesgos, incrementando el número de casos diagnosticados y los beneficios de la industria farmacéutica. Desde la Bioética se impone una reflexión sobre los posible daños derivados de la medicalización (no-maleficencia), una prudente actuación de los profesional (beneficencia), respeto al criterio de niños y adolescentes (autonomía) y una perspectiva crítica en relación con el gasto derivado de su diagnóstico (justicia). The emergence of the welfare state in the mid-twentieth century had health consequences that culminated in the recognition of the right to health protection and the duty of health care of the State, with an extension of medicine to unknown fields, medicalizing the life of people. ADHD is a paradigmatic case, becoming a psychiatric pathology due to its inclusion in the DSM-III 1980, with inconsistencies and subjectivity in the classifications. The etiology of the disorder is unknown, its diagnosis is subjective and doubtful, its treatment ineffective and with risks, increasing the number of cases diagnosed and the benefits of the pharmaceutical industry. From the Bioethics a reflection on the possible damages derived from the medicalization (nonmaleficence), a prudent action of the professional (beneficence), respect to the criterion of children and adolescents (autonomy) and a critical perspective in relation to the expense is imposed derived from his diagnosis (justice).

Ripples from the First Wave: The Monarchical Origins of the Welfare State

2015 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 992-1016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eileen McDonagh
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Care Work ◽  
Public Provision ◽  
The Public ◽  
Goods And Services ◽  
Parental Roles ◽  
The People ◽  
The Family ◽  
The Welfare State

Before the welfare state, people were protected from disabilities resulting from illness, old age, and other infirmities by care work provided within the family. When the state assumes responsibility for care-work tasks, in effect it assumes parental roles, thereby becoming a form offamilial governmentin which the public provision of goods and services is analogous to care work provided in the family. My research pushes back the origins of the state’s obligation to care for people to a preindustrial form of government, hereditary monarchies—what Max Weber termed patrimonialism. It explicates how monarchs were cast as the parents of the people, thereby constituting kingship as a care work regime that assigned to political rulers parental responsibility for the welfare of the people. Using historical and quantitative analysis, I establish that retaining the legitimacy of monarchies as the first form of familial government in the course of Western European democratizing makes it more credible to the public and to political elites to accept the welfare state as the second form of familial government. That, in turn, promotes a more robust public sector supportive of social provision. The results reformulate conceptions of the contemporary welfare state and its developmental legacies.

scholarly journals Rethinking Democracy?

2020 ◽  
pp. 237-246
Author(s):  
Leonardo Morlino
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
First Century ◽  
Close Connection ◽  
Social Cooperation ◽  
Early Twenty ◽  
Right To Vote ◽  
The Right ◽  
Almost All ◽  
The Welfare State

This chapter addresses two final questions. First, what are the specific and more general perspectives of the democracies we studied in terms of implementation of the two democratic values? The three patterns developed in Chapter 8 cover almost all the existing empirical possibilities in Europe. Moreover, the external challenges faced by democracies in the early twenty-first century directly affect not only the goods to be delivered (possibly a mix of freedoms and equalities) but also resilience and de-consolidation. We can accept action in defence of rights and institutions and the limits of protest lie in the fact that the related actions cannot violate existing laws. A parallel question is how much the repeal of constraints, legal or of another sort, on the incumbent authorities can be pushed. No doubt, interinstitutional accountability is the necessary cornerstone of a working democracy. Second, what could we do to promote a better, doable, reasonable implementation of the two values? The formula of pursuing broader social cooperation would recall neo-corporatist past solutions, today unfeasible, but still appears as the right social recipe that has not yet been overcome. As seen in Chapter 8, we have to restate that there is a close connection between interinstitutional accountability and protection of freedoms, and, although indirectly, of equalities. Among the rights, the most important one in a democracy is the right to vote, which is grounded on other freedoms that concur to form the voter’s own political opinion. The commitment to combat different forms of disinformation needs to continue in order to provide further meaningfulness to the right to vote. Finally, to craft solid majorities in favour of the strengthening of the welfare state beyond the protection of poverty, we do need to promote a European Union able to complement national and European solidarities.

The Beveridge Report and the Implementation of the Welfare State

2018 ◽  
pp. 260-285
Author(s):  
George R. Boyer
Keyword(s):  
National Health Service ◽  
Health Service ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Welfare ◽  
Universal Coverage ◽  
Social Welfare Policy ◽  
Economic Insecurity ◽  
The Public ◽  
Welfare Reforms ◽  
The Welfare State

This chapter explores the story of the 1942 Beveridge Report and the beginnings of the welfare state. The policies proposed by Beveridge and the 1945–48 legislation were logical extensions of government's expanding role in social welfare policy beginning with the Liberal Welfare Reforms. This does not mean that the importance of the postwar legislation should be downplayed. Because of the adoption of the National Health Service, universal coverage, and equality of treatment, Britain after 1948 deserves to be called a welfare state, while Edwardian and interwar Britain do not. Unfortunately, despite the enthusiasm with which the public greeted the welfare state, the postwar policies did not eliminate economic insecurity.

Last Rights? Funerals, Poverty and Social Exclusion

1998 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-524 ◽  
Author(s):  
MARK DRAKEFORD
Keyword(s):  
Public Health ◽  
Social Security ◽  
Welfare State ◽  
Social Exclusion ◽  
Poor People ◽  
The Public ◽  
Current State ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Welfare State

This article considers the current state of help with funeral expenses in Britain. It argues that assistance has been progressively and deliberately eroded to the point where the famous ‘from the cradle to the grave’ protection of the welfare state has been removed from increasing numbers of poor people. The article sets these developments within the context of the contemporary British funeral industry, with emphasis upon its treatment of less-well-off consumers. The changing nature of social security provision for funeral expenses is traced in detail, including the actions of the incoming 1997 Labour government. This article investigates the public health role of local authorities in the case of burials, concluding that such services are insufficiently robust to meet the new weight placed upon them. The article ends with a consideration of the impact which these different changes produce in the lives of individuals upon whom they have an effect.

Abbau von Inflexibilitäten auf dem Arbeitsmarkt – Ist die Wirtschaftspolitik auf dem richtigen Weg?

2000 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-250
Author(s):  
Norbert Berthold
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Labour Market ◽  
Employment Protection ◽  
Economic Environment ◽  
Economic Damage ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
The Public ◽  
Protection Legislation ◽  
Generous Welfare ◽  
The Welfare State

Abstract The situation on the German labour market is still a catastrophe. The institutional set-ups on the labour market and the welfare state obviously no longer fit the fundamentally changed economic environment. There is next to no competition on the labour market and unions and employers' associations use the generous welfare state to transfer the burden of adjustment to changes in the economic environment onto the public at large. Institutional mismatch is prevalent. The red-green coalition government has not only realized that persistently high unemployment inflicts tremendous economic damage but that it is also politically destabilizing. It has therefore announced that the performance on the labour market during its term of office shall be its own measure of success or failure. This paper discusses whether the regulatory steps taken by the red-green coalition government, like implementing stricter employment protection legislation, reintroducing full pay when sick, and changing the law concerning low-paid jobs, are suitable for reducing this institutional mismatch.

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