The Israel of the Spirit: The German Student Movement of the 1960s and its Attitude to the Holocaust

2010 ◽  
Vol 24 (1) ◽  
pp. 269-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christoph Schmidt
Elements ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Walker

This paper deals with the West German student movement, which, like most student movements, was active in the 1960s and focused primarily on social issues. It attempts to interpret the critiques levied by the movement in relation to those events and thoughts which precededit.The author argues that there was a distinct rhetorical and philosophical connection betweeen the 68er-<em>Bewegung</em> and the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. This connection shapd the methods and goals of the student movement, which sought to integrate a process of comign to terms with the realities of Germany's fascist, anti-democratic past into the German mindset following the rich period of remarkable postwar economic development. These methods and influences, which are called "critical historical memory," are then argued to have been developed so as to bring to light the continued presence of fascistic tendencies in contemporary German politics, with the hope of coming to terms with the recent past.


2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (S15) ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Teune

A small group within the German student movement of the 1960s expressed its critique of society in humorous protests that condensed the urge for a non-materialist, individualistic, and libertarian change. In the early phase of an emerging cycle of protest, Spassguerilla [fun guerrilla] contributed to shaping the face of the student movement, despite differences with the more traditional groups within that movement. In happenings, pamphlets, and judicial trials, humorous activists derided conventional ways of thinking and living. A responsive environment played a decisive role in shaping the image of the insurgents, thus reinforcing the impact of their actions and drawing in sympathizers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (42) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Oliveira Teixeira

Com o 50° aniversário do chamado Maio de 68, este ensaio tem por objetivo sistematizar algumas características acerca da emergência e dinâmica do movimento estudantil nos anos 1960 na Berlim Ocidental, cidade palco central da Guerra Fria. Após discorrer sobre o contexto histórico de politização pela esquerda do movimento estudantil alemão e a dinâmica das manifestações estudantis, destacamos duas conclusões: 1) insurreições estudantis se opunham tanto à sociabilidade capitalista num tempo de expansão do capitalismo, à guerra norte-americana no Vietnã, como também ao silêncio diante do passado nazista, ao autoritarismo e à universidade não democrática; 2) a ausência de vínculo orgânico entre movimento estudantil e classe operária é em grande medida determinada pela adesão do movimento operário ao reformismo social-democrata alemão e ao passado nazista, que também contribui para dizimar lideranças comunistas e socialistas.Palavras-Chave: Maio 68; movimento estudantil; movimentos políticos; Berlim.  Abstract – With the 50th anniversary of the events of May 1968, this essay aims to systematize some characteristics of the emergence and dynamics of the student movement in the 1960s in West Berlin, the central stage of the Cold War. After discussing the historical context of politicization by the left of the German student movement and the dynamics of student demonstrations, we highlight two conclusions. First, that student insurrections were opposed both to capitalist sociability in a time of expansion of capitalism and the American war in Vietnam, and also to the silence in face of Germany’s Nazi past, authoritarianism, and undemocratic universities. Second, the absence of an organic link between the student movement and the working class was largely determined by the adherence of the workers’ movement to German Social-Democratic reformism and the Nazi past, which also contributed to decimate communist and socialist leaderships.Keywords: May 1968; student movement; political movements; Berlin.


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110400
Author(s):  
Lukas Slothuus

What does it mean to disagree with people with whom you usually agree? How should political actors concerned with emancipation approach internal disagreement? In short, how should we go about critiquing not our enemies or adversaries but those with whom we share emancipatory visions? I outline the notion of comradely critique as a solution to these questions. I go through a series of examples of how and when critique should differ depending on its addressee, drawing on Jodi Dean’s figure of the comrade. I develop a contrast with its neighbours the ally and the partisan, thus identifying key elements of comradely critique: good faith, equal humanity, equal standing, solidarity, collaboration, common purpose and dispelling fatalism. I then analyse Theodor W. Adorno and Herbert Marcuse’s private correspondence on the 1960s German student movement as an illustration of (imperfect) comradely critique. I conclude by identifying a crucial tension about publicness and privateness.


2018 ◽  
pp. 160-219
Author(s):  
Randall Stevenson

The Cold War and the nuclear threat made it as difficult, after 1945, to look forward affirmatively as to look back. Enlightenment ideas of a ‘project of modernity’ gave way to postmodern scepticism and stasis, reflected by Samuel Beckett and the nouveau roman, and in other ways in the fiction of Malcolm Lowry and Thomas Mann and the repetitive chronologies of Joyce Cary, Lawrence Durrell and others. After the 1960s, authors such as Muriel Spark confronted the Holocaust and recent history more directly, as in later decades did Ian McEwan, Martin Amis, Graham Swift and others. In this fiction, and generally later in the century, concerns with the clock’s constraints were diminished by long familiarity and by several new factors. These included technologies of film, video, globalised media and the internet, along with increased international travel and encounters with less industrialised cultures. Science fiction, too, and imagination of time-travel, was both symptomatic yet partly redemptive of horological stress. There remained, however, numerous (often historical) novels by authors such as Gabriel García Marquéz, Salman Rushdie, Alasdair Gray and Thomas Pynchon – re-examining, in Mason & Dixon, C18th practices of global measurement – still concerned with the stresses clockwork chronology imposed on modern history.


2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 117-149
Author(s):  
Terence Renaud

AbstractThe New Left that arose in West Germany during the 1960s mimicked the antifascist reformations of the 1930s. For grassroots campaigns, extraparliamentary opposition groups, and radical student organizations of the postwar decades, the Marxist humanist theories and revolutionary socialist splinter groups of the interwar years served as attractive models. At the same time, the Sixty-eighter generation rebelled against a political establishment now represented by that earlier generation of neoleftist pioneers, their parents. But generational conflict was just the symptom of a deeper problem in the history of the midcentury Left: a succession of radical new lefts arose out of periodic frustration at institutionalized politics. This article explores the missing link between Germany’s antifascist and antiauthoritarian new lefts: the so-called left socialists of the 1950s. In particular, Ossip K. Flechtheim’s science of futurology and Wolfgang Abendroth’s theory of antagonistic society translated antifascism’s legacies into a new paradigm of social protest. The left socialists’ support for the embattled Socialist German Student League laid the organizational and intellectual foundation for the sixties New Left. Recent studies of the “global sixties” have shown the transnational connections between new lefts across space; this article explains their continuity across time.


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