scholarly journals O protagonismo da juventude estudantil alemã no Maio de 68 | The leading role of German students in the events of May 1968

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (42) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sandra Oliveira Teixeira

Com o 50° aniversário do chamado Maio de 68, este ensaio tem por objetivo sistematizar algumas características acerca da emergência e dinâmica do movimento estudantil nos anos 1960 na Berlim Ocidental, cidade palco central da Guerra Fria. Após discorrer sobre o contexto histórico de politização pela esquerda do movimento estudantil alemão e a dinâmica das manifestações estudantis, destacamos duas conclusões: 1) insurreições estudantis se opunham tanto à sociabilidade capitalista num tempo de expansão do capitalismo, à guerra norte-americana no Vietnã, como também ao silêncio diante do passado nazista, ao autoritarismo e à universidade não democrática; 2) a ausência de vínculo orgânico entre movimento estudantil e classe operária é em grande medida determinada pela adesão do movimento operário ao reformismo social-democrata alemão e ao passado nazista, que também contribui para dizimar lideranças comunistas e socialistas.Palavras-Chave: Maio 68; movimento estudantil; movimentos políticos; Berlim.  Abstract – With the 50th anniversary of the events of May 1968, this essay aims to systematize some characteristics of the emergence and dynamics of the student movement in the 1960s in West Berlin, the central stage of the Cold War. After discussing the historical context of politicization by the left of the German student movement and the dynamics of student demonstrations, we highlight two conclusions. First, that student insurrections were opposed both to capitalist sociability in a time of expansion of capitalism and the American war in Vietnam, and also to the silence in face of Germany’s Nazi past, authoritarianism, and undemocratic universities. Second, the absence of an organic link between the student movement and the working class was largely determined by the adherence of the workers’ movement to German Social-Democratic reformism and the Nazi past, which also contributed to decimate communist and socialist leaderships.Keywords: May 1968; student movement; political movements; Berlin.

Author(s):  
Paola Gaeta ◽  
Jorge E. Viñuales ◽  
Salvatore Zappalà

This chapter traces the historical evolution of the international legal system, which is organized for analytical purposes in four major stages: from its gradual emergence (sixteenth–early seventeenth century) to the First World War; from the establishment of the League of Nations to the end of the Second World War (1919–1945); from the establishment of the United Nations to the end of the Cold War (1945–1989); and the last three decades since the end of the Cold War (1990–2020). The chapter emphasizes the European roots of international law but also the pressure it has faced since the 1960s to reflect the interests of developing and newly independent States. It also provides some basic historical elements and references to the growing literature on the history of international law, which are useful to understand the historical context of the material examined in subsequent chapters.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 170-172
Author(s):  
Luca Bussotti

Political risk is a concept traditionally related, on the one hand, to the rational calculation of risk in economic activities and, on the other, to a particular historical moment in which it has taken on the characteristics of an autonomous research field. Risk calculation and the management of lucrative activities have illustrious precedents. At the beginning of the 20th century, Max Weber pointed out the necessity to forecast all the possible risks that come from non-economic factors (such as bureaucracy, uncertainty of law and administrative procedures, and so on) before carrying out an economic investment leading to profit (Weber, 1968). However, the actual starting point of a science, related to the management of political risk, dates back to the 1960s (Sottilotta, 2013). The historical context in which this shift occurred can be found in the Cold War and the decolonization era.


Elements ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Alec Walker

This paper deals with the West German student movement, which, like most student movements, was active in the 1960s and focused primarily on social issues. It attempts to interpret the critiques levied by the movement in relation to those events and thoughts which precededit.The author argues that there was a distinct rhetorical and philosophical connection betweeen the 68er-<em>Bewegung</em> and the critical theory of the Frankfurt School. This connection shapd the methods and goals of the student movement, which sought to integrate a process of comign to terms with the realities of Germany's fascist, anti-democratic past into the German mindset following the rich period of remarkable postwar economic development. These methods and influences, which are called "critical historical memory," are then argued to have been developed so as to bring to light the continued presence of fascistic tendencies in contemporary German politics, with the hope of coming to terms with the recent past.


2007 ◽  
Vol 52 (S15) ◽  
pp. 115-132 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Teune

A small group within the German student movement of the 1960s expressed its critique of society in humorous protests that condensed the urge for a non-materialist, individualistic, and libertarian change. In the early phase of an emerging cycle of protest, Spassguerilla [fun guerrilla] contributed to shaping the face of the student movement, despite differences with the more traditional groups within that movement. In happenings, pamphlets, and judicial trials, humorous activists derided conventional ways of thinking and living. A responsive environment played a decisive role in shaping the image of the insurgents, thus reinforcing the impact of their actions and drawing in sympathizers.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 41-62
Author(s):  
Katya Zuquim Braghini

Brazilian historiography emphasises student political practice as the main action of those students who were against the authoritarian and conservative regime. To explain the student movement through its political activity or subversion towards the established social patterns became commonplace when discussing the behaviour of much of 1960s youth. Even though such aspects are import, they take little account of other peculiarities of these students’ history. This article explores Anderson’s (2008) hypothesis on «imagined communities» – i.e. when people in a group establish synchronic identification through references given by daily communication – in this context. This highlights the emotional pandemic of the youth coalition of the 1960s, which spread to general political movements. From this perspective, the student movement is understood as an interaction among subjects of a similar age, mobilized by their identification with shared images, mainly on printed documents. This analysis reveals that in Brazil: 1) the students identified with the revolutionary youngsters in the magazines who would later become icons, such as Fidel Castro and Che Guevara; 2) The reports and «hearsay» of youth action, recorded in the articles and stimulated and amplified by street demonstrations, schematic readings, impromptu rallies, graffiti and slogans, etc. We discuss synchronicity as an aspect of this period of history that was associated with the sensory stimuli involved in demonstrations, as well as the creation of stereotypes and representations of youth. 


2021 ◽  
pp. 003232172110400
Author(s):  
Lukas Slothuus

What does it mean to disagree with people with whom you usually agree? How should political actors concerned with emancipation approach internal disagreement? In short, how should we go about critiquing not our enemies or adversaries but those with whom we share emancipatory visions? I outline the notion of comradely critique as a solution to these questions. I go through a series of examples of how and when critique should differ depending on its addressee, drawing on Jodi Dean’s figure of the comrade. I develop a contrast with its neighbours the ally and the partisan, thus identifying key elements of comradely critique: good faith, equal humanity, equal standing, solidarity, collaboration, common purpose and dispelling fatalism. I then analyse Theodor W. Adorno and Herbert Marcuse’s private correspondence on the 1960s German student movement as an illustration of (imperfect) comradely critique. I conclude by identifying a crucial tension about publicness and privateness.


2013 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-48 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Burton

Brainwashing assumed the proportions of a cultural fantasy during the Cold War period. The article examines the various political, scientific and cultural contexts of brainwashing, and proceeds to a consideration of the place of mind control in British spy dramas made for cinema and television in the 1960s and 1970s. Particular attention is given to the films The Mind Benders (1963) and The Ipcress File (1965), and to the television dramas Man in a Suitcase (1967–8), The Prisoner (1967–8) and Callan (1967–81), which gave expression to the anxieties surrounding thought-control. Attention is given to the scientific background to the representations of brainwashing, and the significance of spy scandals, treasons and treacheries as a distinct context to the appearance of brainwashing on British screens.


Author(s):  
Jesse Ferris

This book draws on declassified documents from six countries and original material in Arabic, German, Hebrew, and Russian to present a new understanding of Egypt's disastrous five-year intervention in Yemen, which Egyptian president Gamal Abdel Nasser later referred to as “my Vietnam.” The book argues that Nasser's attempt to export the Egyptian revolution to Yemen played a decisive role in destabilizing Egypt's relations with the Cold War powers, tarnishing its image in the Arab world, ruining its economy, and driving its rulers to instigate the fatal series of missteps that led to war with Israel in 1967. Viewing the Six Day War as an unintended consequence of the Saudi–Egyptian struggle over Yemen, the book demonstrates that the most important Cold War conflict in the Middle East was not the clash between Israel and its neighbors. It was the inter-Arab struggle between monarchies and republics over power and legitimacy. Egypt's defeat in the “Arab Cold War” set the stage for the rise of Saudi Arabia and political Islam. Bold and provocative, this book brings to life a critical phase in the modern history of the Middle East. Its compelling analysis of Egypt's fall from power in the 1960s offers new insights into the decline of Arab nationalism, exposing the deep historical roots of the Arab Spring of 2011.


This first-ever history of the US National Intelligence Council (NIC) is told through the reflections of its eight chairs in the period from the end of the Cold War until 2017. Coeditors Robert Hutchings and Gregory Treverton add a substantial introduction placing the NIC in its historical context going all the way back to the Board of National Estimates in the 1940s, as well as a concluding chapter that highlights key themes and judgments. The historic mission of this remarkable but little-understood organization is strategic intelligence assessment in service of senior American foreign policymakers. It has been at the center of every critical foreign policy issue during the period covered by this volume: helping shape America’s post–Cold War strategies, confronting sectarian conflicts around the world, meeting the new challenge of international terrorism, and now assessing the radical restructuring of the global order. Each chapter places its particular period of the NIC’s history in context (the global situation, the administration, the intelligence community) and assesses the most important issues with which the NIC grappled during the period, acknowledging failures as well as claiming successes. With the creation of the director of national intelligence in 2005, the NIC’s mission mushroomed to include direct intelligence support to the main policymaking committees in the government. The mission shift took the NIC directly into the thick of the action but may have come at the expense of weakening its historic role of providing over-the horizon strategic analysis.


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