Politics and Feminism in “Outcast London”: George Lansbury and Jane Cobden's Campaign for the First London County Council

1991 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jonathan Schneer
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
County Council ◽  
British Politics ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
World War ◽  
Labor Politics ◽  
Political Agent ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Socialist Movement

This article examines Jane Cobden's campaign for the London County Council (L.C.C.) in 1888–89 and its controversial aftermath. Cobden's effort, a pioneering political venture of British feminism, illuminates late-Victorian concepts of gender. It provides at once an anticipation of, and a distinct contrast to, the militant suffragism of the Edwardian era. In addition, it suggests new ways of thinking about the connection between women's-suffragist and labor politics. Perhaps because the campaign was a comparatively obscure incident when measured against the broad sweep of British political history, however, no scholar has done much more than sketch its bare outline. Hopefully, the fuller depiction provided below will accord it the treatment it really deserves.This article approaches the subject from a tangent, however. Cobden's campaign was a significant if little-known episode not only in the history of British suffragism but also in the life of a man who went on to play a major role in British politics long after the first county council elections had been forgotten. This was George Lansbury, Cobden's political agent during 1888–89 and secretary of the Bow and Bromley Radical and Liberal Federation. Lansbury eventually became one of the main architects of the socialist movement in East London and a chief male supporter of the militant suffragettes during the Edwardian era (in 1912 he temporarily lost his seat in the House of Commons and went to prison on their behalf). He also became a founder and editor of the quintessential “rebel” newspaper, theDaily Herald(which was designated Labour's official organ after Lansbury left it in 1922), a pacifist opponent of World War I, and, from 1931 to 1935, leader of the Labour party itself.

„Zurück zu Schleiermacher! und von Schleiermacher aus vorwärts!“

2012 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Brent A. R. Hege
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Psychological Method ◽  
Dialectical Theology ◽  
Complex Picture ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Definition Of

AbstractAs dialectical theology rose to prominence in the years following World War I, the new theologians sought to distance themselves from liberalism in a number of ways, an important one being a rejection of Schleiermacher’s methods and conclusions. In reading the history of Weimar-era theology as it has been written in the twentieth century one would be forgiven for assuming that Schleiermacher found no defenders during this time, as liberal theology quietly faded into the twilight. However, a closer examination of this period reveals a different story. The last generation of liberal theologians consistently appealed to Schleiermacher for support and inspiration, perhaps none more so than Georg Wobbermin, whom B. A. Gerrish has called a “captain of the liberal rearguard.” Wobbermin sought to construct a religio-psychological method on the basis of Schleiermacher’s definition of religion and on his “Copernican turn” toward the subject and resolutely defended such a method against the new dialectical theology long after liberal theology’s supposed demise. A consideration of Wobbermin’s appeals to Schleiermacher in his defense of the liberal program reveals a more complex picture of the state of theology in the Weimar period and of Schleiermacher’s legacy in German Protestant thought.

Liberalism and the Progressive Alliance in the Constituencies, 1900–1914: Three Case Studies

1983 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 617-640 ◽  
Author(s):  
George L. Bernstein
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Working Class ◽  
British Politics ◽  
World War ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Liberal Politics ◽  
Liberal Ideology ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Relationship

The reasons for the decline of the Liberal party in Britain, and its replacement by the Labour party as the representative of the left, continue to be the subject of debate among historians of twentieth-century British politics. An important point at issue has been whether or not the Liberal decline had irreversibly set in prior to World War I; or if the war itself with the strains it placed on liberal ideology and the relationship among the party's most prominent leaders, and with the stimulus it provided for a more militant working class, was the catalyst for decline. There can be no question that the Liberal party was critically dependent upon the support of working-class voters for its viability as an alternative party of government.1 Thus, a major issue of contention among historians of Liberal politics has been the party's success or failure before August 1914 in retaining the allegiance of this crucial electoral base.

The Myths of Reparations

1978 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 231-255 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sally Marks
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
World War I ◽  
Weimar Republic ◽  
World War ◽  
Terra Incognita ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject

Reparations after World War I can be divided into two categories: non-German reparations, which remain largely terra incognita to the historian, and German reparations, an excruciatingly tangled thicket into which only a few intrepid explorers have ventured. Understandably, most students of twentieth-century history have preferred to sidestep the perils of travel on territory of extreme financial complexity and, as a consequence, a number of misconceptions about the history of German reparations remain in circulation. This brief summary is not addressed to those few brave trailblazers, whose work it indeed salutes, but rather to those many who have assiduously avoided the subject and to the myths about reparations which still adorn studies of the Weimar Republic and interwar history.

scholarly journals Leonard Hawkes, 6 August 1891 - 29 October 1981

1982 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 125-139
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Early Years ◽  
World War ◽  
Igneous Petrology ◽  
The Past ◽  
Field Worker ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The University

Leonard Hawkes, during the past three decades one of the elder statesmen of British geology, was one of the few remaining leaders in the subject who received their training before World War I. A lifelong academic, he devoted his best years to the service of Bedford College in the University of London. A very active field-worker in early years, he became in his time a leading authority on the geology of Iceland, pursuing studies in volcanology, igneous petrology and glaciology. He served as a Secretary of the Geological Society of London for a long period at a critical stage in the history of that Society, and was later on its President. He will be remembered as one of the most amiable of characters in the post World War II scene.

scholarly journals The castle in Podhorce in the years 1865 -1939. The state of research and the research postulates

1970 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 228-237
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Paduch
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Detailed Examination ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
250Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
State Of Research

The Castle in Podhorce has been, and remains, the subject of many studies and articles, but not all aspects of the history of this residence have been studied. This paper presents the state of research on the history of the Castle in Podhorce in the years 1865-1939. The period of ownership of the palace by Princess Constance of Zamoyskich Sanguszko (1864-1946) and Stanislaw Eustachy Sanguszko (1842-1903) still is to be researched. For researchers of the history of the residence in Podhorce the most difficult challenges are related to the detailed examination of the source documents presenting fortunes of the palace against the background of important historical events. In the years 1865-1939 turning points for the Castle in Podhorce were: World War I, the War of 1920, the commemoration of the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Vienna and the outbreak of World War II. However the administration and care of goods in Podhorce is the issue least studied.

International Organization and Ending Conflicts

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alistair D. Edgar
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Conflict Management ◽  
Social Conflict ◽  
International Organization ◽  
World War ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Greek City ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
City States

International organization as an idea or an approach to political and social conflict management and resolution—now often referred to under the rubric of “global governance”—has been the subject of much discussion by scholars and practitioners, and has taken shape in numerous historical examples. A landmark figure in thinking about war, peace, and statecraft during the earliest period undoubtedly remains the classical Greek general and historian Thucydides (460–395 bce); his History of the Peloponnesian War, chronicling the conflict between the Greek city-states of Athens and Sparta, features prominently in virtually all discussions of the subsequent emergence and development of ideas and practices of conflict management. Succeeding scholars have built upon Thucydides’ ideas. While the earliest theorists and philosophers brought out important discussions of war causation, and basic notions of political-social conflict management in divergent settings, political thinking about the context of state interactions and new mechanisms for constraining state behavior had not yet—by the early seventeenth century—reached the era of preparation for international organization. That would wait another 200 years. In the nearly three centuries from the Thirty Years War to the beginning of World War I, scholars of international organization identified a number of proposals that arguably demonstrate the development, growth, and deepening of thought about such mechanisms.

scholarly journals PAŁAC W PODHORCACH W LATACH 1865 –1939. STAN BADAŃ I POSTULATY BADAWCZE

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 ◽  
pp. 223-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Paduch
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
The State ◽  
World War ◽  
Historical Events ◽  
250Th Anniversary ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
State Of Research ◽  
The Mansion

The palace in Podhorce has been, and remains, the subject of many studies and articles, but not all aspects of the history of this residence have been studied. This paper presents the state of research on the history of the Podhorce palace in the years 1865-1939. Ownership of the palace by Princess Constance of Zamoyskich Sanguszko (1864-1946) and Stanislaw Eustachy Sanguszko (1842-1903) still awaits studying. For researchers of the mansion Podhorce history, the most difficult challenges are related to detailed examining of source documents presenting fortunes of the palace on a background of important historical events. In the years 1865-1939 breakthrough moments for the Podhorce mansion were: World War I, the war of 1920, the celebration of the 250th anniversary of the Battle of Vienna, the outbreak of World War II. However the administration and care of goods in Podhorce is the issue least studied.

Press Propaganda and Subaltern Agents of Pan-Islamic Networks in the Muslim Mediterranean World prior to World War I

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Odile Moreau
Keyword(s):  
Middle East ◽  
World War I ◽  
North Africa ◽  
World War ◽  
Subaltern Studies ◽  
Resistance Movements ◽  
The Press ◽  
Mediterranean World ◽  
History Of

This chapter explores movement and circulation across the Mediterranean and seeks to contribute to a history of proto-nationalism in the Maghrib and the Middle East at a particular moment prior to World War I. The discussion is particularly concerned with the interface of two Mediterranean spaces: the Middle East (Egypt, Ottoman Empire) and North Africa (Morocco), where the latter is viewed as a case study where resistance movements sought external allies as a way of compensating for their internal weakness. Applying methods developed by Subaltern Studies, and linking macro-historical approaches, namely of a translocal movement in the Muslim Mediterranean, it explores how the Egypt-based society, al-Ittihad al-Maghribi, through its agent, Aref Taher, used the press as an instrument for political propaganda, promoting its Pan-Islamic programme and its goal of uniting North Africa.

The War of Legs

Transfers ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-120
Author(s):  
Michael Pesek
Keyword(s):  
World War I ◽  
Medical Care ◽  
East Africa ◽  
Transport Infrastructure ◽  
World War ◽  
East African ◽  
Colonial State ◽  
History Of ◽  
Main Factors ◽  
Belgian Congo

This article describes the little-known history of military labor and transport during the East African campaign of World War I. Based on sources from German, Belgian, and British archives and publications, it considers the issue of military transport and supply in the thick of war. Traditional histories of World War I tend to be those of battles, but what follows is a history of roads and footpaths. More than a million Africans served as porters for the troops. Many paid with their lives. The organization of military labor was a huge task for the colonial and military bureaucracies for which they were hardly prepared. However, the need to organize military transport eventually initiated a process of modernization of the colonial state in the Belgian Congo and British East Africa. This process was not without backlash or failure. The Germans lost their well-developed military transport infrastructure during the Allied offensive of 1916. The British and Belgians went to war with the question of transport unresolved. They were unable to recruit enough Africans for military labor, a situation made worse by failures in the supplies by porters of food and medical care. One of the main factors that contributed to the success of German forces was the Allies' failure in the “war of legs.”

De Brusselse vereniging De Veldbloem zoekt toenadering tot Hendrik Conscience. Twee pas ontdekte brieven

2011 ◽  
Vol 70 (3) ◽  
pp. 276-289
Author(s):  
Luc Vandeweyer
Keyword(s):  
First World War ◽  
World War ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
The First World War ◽  
Archival Documents ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Subject ◽  
De Man ◽  
First World

Het wordt in de historiografie van de Vlaamse beweging aanvaard dat Hendrik Conscience door de Brusselse progressieve vereniging ‘De Veldbloem’ in 1872 werd gevraagd om te kandideren voor de parlementaire verkiezingen. Conscience zou dat geweigerd hebben. Dit is uiteraard geen onbetekenend feit in de biografie van de man die ‘zijn volk leerde lezen’.Dit gegeven is terug te voeren op de geschriften van Antoon Jacob (°1889) van na de Eerste Wereldoorlog. Jacob werd beschouwd als een autoriteit inzake Conscience. Maar waar is het bewijs? Hij verwees daarbij naar “uitvoerige correspondentie” maar die is niet te vinden. Het ADVN slaagde erin om de archivalische nalatenschap van de in 1947 gestorven Jacob te verwerven. Daarin bleken heel wat brieven van en aan Conscience te zitten. De briefwisseling met ‘De Veldbloem’ was onderwerp van deze bijdrage. Daarin is geen spoor te vinden van de poging om Conscience op het politieke strijdtoneel te brengen in Brussel. Daarbij moet de vraag gesteld worden hoe Jacob deze archiefstukken verzamelde en wat ermee is gebeurd tijdens zijn turbulente leven en talrijke omzwervingen. Het is best mogelijk dat er een en ander is verloren gegaan. Toch is deze nalatenschap een belangrijke aanwinst voor de studie van de geschiedenis van de Vlaamse beweging en die van Conscience in het bijzonder. ________ The Brussels association ‘De Veldbloem’ seeks contact with Hendrik Conscience. Two recently discovered letters It is an accepted fact in the historiography of the Flemish Movement that the Brussels progressive Association ‘De Veldbloem’ [=the Wildflower] asked Hendrik Conscience in 1872 to be their candidate for the parliamentary elections. It is said that Hendrik Conscience refused the request. This is of course a very significant fact in the biography of the man ‘who taught his people to read.’ This information may be inferred from the writings of Antoon Jacob (°1889) from the period after the First World War. Jacob was regarded as an authority on Conscience. But where is the evidence of this? In his claim, he referred to ‘extensive correspondence’, but that correspondence is not extant. The ADVN managed to acquire the archival legacy of Jacob who died in 1947. It turned out that it included quite a number of letters to and from Conscience. The exchange of letters with ‘De Veldbloem’ was the subject of this contribution. It contains no trace of the attempt to bring Conscience into the political arena in Brussels. It raises the question how Jacob collected these archival documents and what happened to them during his turbulent life and his many peregrinations.  It is certainly possible that some documents have been lost. However, this legacy is still an important acquisition for the study of the history of the Flemish Movement and of Conscience in particular.

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