scholarly journals "Ablaut"-Relations in the Weak Verb in Gothic, Old High German, and Middle High German

1908 ◽  
Vol 5 (4) ◽  
pp. 569-616
Author(s):  
Charles Goettsch
2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Raffaela Baechler

Abstract One may hear that over time languages tend to simplify their grammar and notably their morphological system. This intuition, probably based on linguists’ knowledge of the rich inflectional systems of older Indo-European languages, has been challenged, particularly by sociolinguistic typologists (e.g. Trudgill 2011; Braunmuller 1984, 2003; Nichols 1992). They hypothesise that languages spoken by small and isolated communities with a dense network may complexify their grammar (Trudgill 2011: 146-147). The present article investigates the nominal inflection systems of 14 varieties of German in order to survey whether there is any such diachronic tendency towards simplification and whether instances of complexification can be observed, too. The varieties under analysis include present-day Standard German, Old High German and Middle High German (two older stages of German) and eleven present-day non-standard varieties which make part of the Alemannic dialect group. First, it will be shown that there is a diachronic tendency towards simplification if we consider the total complexity of nominal inflection. Second, however, we can identify instances of diachronic complexification too if we take a closer look at single categories. Interestingly, diachronic complexification appears only in the non-standard varieties, not so in the standard variety. This may support the hypothesis that isolated varieties are more complex than non-isolated ones.


2018 ◽  
pp. 31-47
Author(s):  
John Ole Askedal

The present paper deals with some putative cases of so-called ‘halted’ or ‘arrested grammaticalization’ in the history of German. The following phenomena are discussed: Old High German perfect auxiliaries; the modals ‘shall’, ‘will’ and the transformative copula werden as sources of future auxiliaries in Old, Middle and New High German; some shortened verb forms in Middle High German; the Old High German etc. pronoun of identity der selbo used as a demonstrative or personal pronoun; the inflection of determiners, quantifiers and adjectives in New High German; Old High German thô, dô and Middle High German ez as syntactic ‘place-holders’ in sentence-initial position; the syntactic status of the German so-called ‘ethical dative’; and the demise of Old High German -lîhho, Middle High German -lîche as an adverb-forming suffix. It is claimed that certain general language-specific, ‘characterological’ patterns influence the way in which the grammaticalization developments in question are halted or, sometimes, given another direction by way of regrammaticalization.


Author(s):  
Igor Peresada

Most ancient vowels in the period of the birth of the German language are revealed. The phonetic structure of a single-root German word in the Old High German and Middle High German periods of the development of the German language is described. The statistical frequency of using vowels in the above periods has been determined. Key words: vowels and consonants, Old High German and Middle High German periods, frequency of use


Author(s):  
Helmut Weiß ◽  
Anna Volodina

Null subjects (NSs) have been a central research topic in generative syntax ever since the 1980s. This chapter considers the situation of German NSs both from a dialectological and from a diachronic perspective and attempts to reconstruct a direct line concerning the licensing conditions of pro-drop from Old High German (OHG) through Middle High German (MHG) and Early New High German (ENHG) to current dialects of New High German (NHG). Particularly, we will argue that German changed from a consistent, yet asymmetric pro-drop language to a partial, but symmetric one. In order to demonstrate that this development took place and the steps involved, we survey the existing empirical evidence and introduce new data.


2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-370
Author(s):  
Martina Werner

This article investigates the historical development of synthetic compounds with the suffix -erei, such as German Buchleserei ‘book reading’. Synthetic compounding has been attested in older language stages of German, as in Old High German kirihwihî ‘church consecration’ or Middle High German bluotspîunge ‘blood spitting’. In the history of the German language, synthetic compounds are the last step in the development of a nominalizing suffix. Suffixes attach first to simplex bases (such as German Leserei ‘reading’), and only afterwards can they form synthetic compounds with a compound base (such as Bücherleserei ‘reading of books’). The development of verbal synthetic compounding results from three different sources: a) a suffixal pattern based on compound nominals (such as exocentric Freigeist ‘free spirit’ becomes Freigeisterei ‘free spiritedness’), where the pattern develops the ability to nominalize VPs (such as Nichtstuerei ‘doing nothing’); b) root compounds which develop the ability to take a deverbal head suffixed by -erei (such as Venus–Nascherey ‘Venusian nibbling’); and c) low-frequency - erei-compounds which originate from inherited idiomatic compound verbs (such as Ehebrecherei ‘adultery’, lit. ‘marriage-breakery’ > ehebrechen (V) ‘to commit adultery’, lit. ‘to marriage-break’). The paper delineates the three developments for different word formation types which lead to the morphological distribution of present-day German.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 55-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
John M. Jeep

Abstract Building upon recent phraseological studies on Old High and Middle High German texts, the alliterating word pairs in the early works of Hartmann von Aue are catalogued and analyzed philologically, thus contributing to an emerging complete listing of the paired rhetorical expressions through the Early Middle High German period. The first extant courtly Arthurian romance, Hartmann's Erec, a shorter piece of his known as Diu Klage, and a handful of poems he composed are by all indications from the last decade of the twelfth century, despite later manuscript transmission. Each pair is listed, described in the context in which it appears, and compared with any extant pairs from earlier German works. What emerge are insights into the evolution of these expressions, in some cases through centuries. On the one hand, Hartmann employs alliterating expressions that date to the Old High German period, while on the other hand apparently creating new ones. As in findings in earlier texts, pairs recorded on multiple occasions are likely to have been used by other authors. Typical for medieval German texts – when compared to similar modern expressions – is the insight that there is a fair amount of variation concerning the sequence of the alliterating elements and/or the inclusion of morpho-syntactic modifiers such as pronouns, possessives, adjectives, or adverbs. Modern translations of Hartmann's works into German and English show just how varied these phrases can appear in translation. When known, later examples of the alliterating word-pairs are cited, albeit for obvious reasons only in an incomplete fashion. The long-term project is designed to continue to chart the emergence of the early German alliterating word-pairs chronologically.


PMLA ◽  
1968 ◽  
Vol 83 (2) ◽  
pp. 340-346 ◽  
Author(s):  
Herbert Penzl

The distributional environment of the nasal phoneme /ŋ/, compared to those of /n/ /m/, is restricted in Modem German but reflects its origin from an allophone (variant) of /n/ before velar consonants. The phoneme developed first in medial position through the loss of /g/ in the cluster /ng/; in final position the frequent replacement of /g/ by its fortis counterpart /k/ largely prevented this loss. Late Old High German n-spellings (e.g., sinen), particularly in the 11th-century Physiologus, are the first evidence for the /ŋ/-phoneme, which generally continues, however, to be written ng (singeri). Middle High German assonances made medial/ŋŋ/ likely, which is still found in some Swiss dialects. Descriptive statements by Early New High German grammarians clearly reveal the phonemic status of /ŋ/.


Linguistica ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 273-283
Author(s):  
Douglas Lightfoot

Throughout its history in Old High German (OHG), Middle High German, Early New High German, and Modern German (ModG), the word Mann "man" has exhibited a high degree of productivity and linguistic flexibility. It has ranged morphosyntactically from a full noun (OHG man "man"), compounded noun (OHG werolt.man "human, mortal"), affixoid (ModG Sports.mann "athlete"), indefinite pronoun (ModG man "one"), to something approaching zero (undergoing demorphologization in the OHG compound gom.man "husband, man"). The affixoid notion and its usefulness in morphology have been controversial in the literature (e.g., Schmidt 1987). Relatively recently, Stevens (2005) proposed criteria for the category affixoid, and a number of standard German grammatical and etymological references (e.g., Duden 1995) have been utilizing this term. This study involves examining modern usage of the form -mann as found in the online Spiegel newsmagazine's database, as well as the collection of historical data primarily on the forms of German -mann from the robust Titus database in Frankfurt. Stevens' (2005) criteria are evaluated and used to measure the validity of German -mann's membership in the category of suffixoid.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document