At Women's Expense: State Power and the Politics of Fetal Rights. Cynthia R. DanielsThe Neutered Mother, the Sexual Family and Other Twentieth Century Tragedies. Martha Albertson Fineman

Signs ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-233
Author(s):  
Judith Stacey
World Science ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (5(45)) ◽  
pp. 4-6
Author(s):  
M. Danylevych ◽  
R. Koval ◽  
B. Ivanytska ◽  
Y. Kazimova

Given the increase on the planet of the number of people with congenital birth defects, technocratization of society, an increase in the number of persons with disabilities was expected at the beginning of the 21st century to one billion consequently, disability is a worldwide social phenomenon, which should be the focus of every country, its bodies of state power and administration, scientists and physicians, psychologists and educators, specialists in physical culture and sports. So, we see that under the concept «réadaptation» (f) in France, a set of tools and methods used by the relevant specialists to rehabilitate persons with disabilities, as well as simply patients, in order to return them to the maximum possible conditions of everyday life. The twentieth century in France is characterized by the creation of a number of organizations whose activities are aimed at working with such people.


Author(s):  
Jeffrey Jowell

This chapter examines the stages of development of administrative law in Great Britain during the twentieth century, describing the different attitudes towards the exercise of state power and its legal control over the century. It explains that the century began with a concern for procedural justice and a particular concept of the rule of law, and ended with judicial constraints upon both the procedures and the substance of official decisions, justified by constitutional rights.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 143-154 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Geyer

Even for readers of Central European History, it is easy to forget that there is more than one country in the middle of Europe and that there is more than one solution to the geopolitical problem associated with the perception of being in the “middle.” That problem is so overwhelmingly claimed by Germany and its interpreters, and it is so weighed down by reflections on the (ab)uses of state power, articulated in the long-running debate on the “primacy of foreign policy,” that it is somewhat jarring to encounter a book with the title In the Middle of Europe—André Holenstein's Mitten in Europa: Verflechtung und Abgrenzung in der Schweizer Geschichte—that is not at all concerned with Germany. It has Switzerland as its subject and Verschweizerung as its substance and subtext. I leave the term untranslated because it means nothing to most of the world and an English translation would surely not capture the partly facetious, partly scandalized, partly admiring undertones that the German conveys: “Die Welt wird entweder untergehen oder verschweizern,” in the words of Friedrich Dürenmatt. Even if not taken in jest, it still sounds better than: “Am deutschen Wesen soll die Welt genesen.” But if horror in the latter case makes sense when looking back at the twentieth century, why is there so much mockery in response to the former?


2014 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 485-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
ANDREW ZIMMERMAN

The discipline of anthropology has perhaps always been especially close to the exercise of state power, but, in the last two-thirds of the twentieth century, the nature of both anthropology and state power changed dramatically. This was a period when many anthropologists distanced themselves from earlier evolutionist accounts that traced a generalized human development from “primitive” to “civilized.” This evolutionist anthropology, as many scholars have shown, reflected and justified a range of imperialist practices by presenting European conquest as bringing progress to societies existing in a noncontemporary present. Two of the most important variants of post-evolutionist anthropology are the cultural relativism associated with Franz Boas (1858–1942) and the sociological universalism associated with Emile Durkheim (1858–1917). The state power that evolutionist anthropology had once supported also changed radically over the same period. The forms of domination exercised by the global North over the global South gradually shifted from direct colonial rule to the combination of military intervention and economic control that characterizes the postcolonial period. Anthropology, Talal Asad has written, is “rooted in an unequal power encounter between the West and Third World . . . an encounter in which colonialism is merely one historical moment.” Internally, the social welfare state continued its remarkable growth but also, in the 1960s and 1970s, faced challenges from those who rejected the patriarchy and heteronormativity that it often presupposed and reinforced. The two books under review reveal how new types of anthropology in the United States and France came to serve these new forms of state power in the twentieth century. In both cases anthropology adapted to these new political conditions by incorporating psychoanalysis to posit an especially strong bond between individual and culture that produced what one contemporary called an “oversocialized conception of man.”


2020 ◽  
pp. 92-110
Author(s):  
T. K. Wilson

Borrowing from a phrase of Gladstone’s, this chapter offers thematic reflections on the long-term trajectory outlined in Chapters One and Two. It notes the general aggregation of coercive state power up until the advent of the ‘network society’ of the late twentieth century. Frustratingly for analysts, risk managers, and prophets, the early twen ty-first century looks set to remain open-ended. In any longer-term perspective, the domestic strength of Western governments remains massively impressive. Their coercive capabilities and bureaucratic information-processing capacities remain intact, if they have not actually been enhanced by the information-processing revolutions. States, in short, may not be intrinsically much weaker than they were before the 1990s. And the conspiracies they face remain, if anything, more primitive. But public moods are certainly more febrile: more alarmist, more confused, and more embittered.


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