Nuclear Weapons and International Relations Since the End of the Cold War

2012 ◽  
pp. 149-166
Author(s):  
David Holloway
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
The Cold War

National Internationalists: British and West German Protests against Nuclear Weapons, the Politics of Transnational Communications and the Social History of the Cold War, 1957–1964

2005 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 559-582 ◽  
Author(s):  
HOLGER NEHRING
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Social History ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Protest Movements ◽  
The Social ◽  
Political Traditions ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Cold War

This article examines the politics of communication between British and West German protesters against nuclear weapons in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The interpretation suggested here historicises the assumptions of ‘transnational history’ and shows the nationalist and internationalist dimensions of the protest movements' histories to be inextricably connected. Both movements related their own aims to global and international problems. Yet they continued to observe the world from their individual perspectives: national, regional and local forms thus remained important. By illuminating the interaction between political traditions, social developments and international relations in shaping important political movements within two European societies, this article can provide one element of a new connective social history of the cold war.

scholarly journals Nuclear weapons, extinction, and the Anthropocene: Reappraising Jonathan Schell

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-17
Author(s):  
Rens van Munster ◽  
Casper Sylvest
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Nuclear Age ◽  
The Earth ◽  
Nuclear Environment ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Do So

Abstract In the Anthropocene, International Relations must confront the possibility of anthropogenic extinction. Recent, insightful attempts to advance new vocabularies of planet politics tend to demote the profound historical and intellectual links between our current predicament and the nuclear age. In contrast, we argue that it is vital to revisit the nuclear-environment nexus of the Cold War to trace genealogies of today's intricate constellation of security problems. We do so by reappraising the work of Jonathan Schell (1943–2014), author of The Fate of the Earth (1982), who came to regard extinction as a defining feature of the nuclear age. We show how a deep engagement with nuclear weapons led Schell to an understanding of the Earth as a complex, delicate ecology and fed into a sophisticated, Arendtian theory of extinction. Despite its limitations and tensions, we argue that Schell's work remains deeply relevant for rethinking human–Earth relations and confronting the Anthropocene.

The Concept of Deterrence and Deterrence Theory

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patrick M. Morgan
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
World War ◽  
Empirical Theory ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Considerable Complexity

Deterrence is an old practice, readily defined and described, widely employed but unevenly effective and of questionable reliability. Elevated to prominence after World War II and the arrival of nuclear weapons, deterrence became the central recourse for sustaining international and internal security and stability among and within states in an era of serious conflict. With regard to the presence of nuclear weapons in particular but also to deal with non-nuclear violent conflict, deterrence has been employed to prevent (or at least limit) the destruction of states, societies, and ultimately humanity. The greatest success has been that no nuclear weapons have been used for destructive purposes since the end of World War II in 1945. Deterrence has been widely used below the nuclear level but with very uneven results. Deterrence has been intensively studied and tested as to its use in terms of strategy in international relations, the maintenance of stability in international relations, the conduct of violence and warfare in both international and domestic contexts, and in political affairs. Since deterrence is the use of threats to block or reduce the inflicting of serious harm, the existence of capacities for inflicting harm are readily maintained and periodically applied, so available deterrence capabilities provide a degree of continuing concern and a regular desire to at least do away with nuclear weapons and threats. A brief period in the ending of the Cold War saw a serious effort to reduce the reliance on deterrence, particularly nuclear deterrence, in international politics but it was soon replaced by serious movement in the opposite direction. Yet efforts to reduce the need for and use of deterrence continue. Extensive efforts have been applied in the development of theories of deterrence, particularly to generate empirical theory in order to better understand and apply deterrence but without arriving at widely accepted results. This is the result of the considerable complexity of the subject, the activity involved, and the behavior of the practitioners. The conduct of deterrence is now broader and deeper than before. It is under greater pressure due to technological, political, and cultural developments, and operates in a much more elaborate overall environment including space, cyberspace, and oceanic environs. Thus the goal of developing effective empirical theory on deterrence remains, at various levels, still incompletely attained. The same is true of mastering deterrence in practice. Nevertheless, deterrence remains important and fascinating.

George Kennan

2021 ◽  
pp. 126-142
Author(s):  
William Inboden
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Vietnam War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Arms Race ◽  
Reinhold Niebuhr ◽  
Reciprocal Influence ◽  
Soviet Communism ◽  
Close Personal Relationship ◽  
The Cold War

Though Reinhold Niebuhr and George Kennan did not have a close personal relationship, they nonetheless developed a mutual admiration and reciprocal influence that extended over decades. Each believed in the pervasiveness of original sin, the ironic and often tragic outcomes of human aspirations, and the hand of Providence over history. Together they stand as two of the most important shapers of international relations realism. Their lives and work also influenced US policy in the early and middle decades of the Cold War, from their early opposition to Soviet communism and support for nuclear weapons, to their later disillusionment with the arms race and opposition to the Vietnam War. They differed primarily over democracy. Niebuhr retained an abiding belief in the possibility of self-government, while Kennan grew disenchanted with participatory government and favoured rule by enlightened elites.

The Myth of the Nuclear Revolution

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keir A. Lieber ◽  
Daryl G. Press
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
New Technology ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Technological Changes ◽  
Arms Races ◽  
The Core ◽  
Nuclear Age ◽  
The Cold War

Leading analysts have predicted for decades that nuclear weapons would help pacify international politics. The core notion is that countries protected by these fearsome weapons can stop competing so intensely with their adversaries: they can end their arms races, scale back their alliances, and stop jockeying for strategic territory. But rarely have theory and practice been so opposed. Why do international relations in the nuclear age remain so competitive? Indeed, why are today's major geopolitical rivalries intensifying? This book tackles the central puzzle of the nuclear age: the persistence of intense geopolitical competition in the shadow of nuclear weapons. The book explains why the Cold War superpowers raced so feverishly against each other; why the creation of “mutual assured destruction” does not ensure peace; and why the rapid technological changes of the 21st century will weaken deterrence in critical hotspots around the world. By explaining how the nuclear revolution falls short, the book discovers answers to the most pressing questions about deterrence in the coming decades: how much capability is required for a reliable nuclear deterrent, how conventional conflicts may become nuclear wars, and how great care is required now to prevent new technology from ushering in an age of nuclear instability.

scholarly journals PROBLEM OF NON-PROLIFERATION OF NUCLEAR WEAPONS DURING AND AFTER THE COLD WAR

2019 ◽  
pp. 27-31
Author(s):  
V. Pavlenko
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Nuclear Energy ◽  
Energy Agency ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
International Treaty ◽  
Political Evaluation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Modern Condition

The process of the establishment and development of the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons regime is analyzed in the article. The author divides this process into three periods: 1) 1945-1968 – time, when all attempts to halt or slow down the proliferation process had been futile; 2) 1968-1995 – the period of the establishment and functioning of the basic principles of non-proliferation regime as a result of the conclusion of the “Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons” of the 1st of July, 1968; 3) from 1995 – until nowadays, when the new threats and risks for te regime appeared. The author pais attention to the division of the states to “nuclear” and “non-nuclear” states by the Non-Proliferation Treaty after 1995, when it was prolonged to indefinite term. In author’s opinion, such measures further world security and make positive changes in international relations. The author considered the Summary Document, which became a result of few security conferences. The Summary Document names the states, that are not the members of the Non-Proliferation Treaty and contains an appeal to India, Israel and Pakistan to join the Treaty as non-nuclear states. 8th conference was being held from 3rd to 28th May, 2010. Summary of this conference contain 64 recommendations, that should have been implemented by 2015 – negligible, but still positive result. The author claims, that NPT, despite its some weaknesses, without exaggeration became the most universal international treaty. The International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) – is the only international organization serving the peaceful usage of nuclear energy. Yet, this organization is not able to give a political evaluation of the activity of any state. The author is concerned of the modern condition of the non-proliferation regime and insists to find ways for the conclusion of new international agreements.

The 1945 World Order – Process with «Open» Continuation

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-79
Author(s):  
V. T. Yungblud
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
International Terrorism ◽  
Bipolar Structure ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The World ◽  
Post War ◽  
The Cold War

The Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations, established by culmination of World War II, was created to maintain the security and cooperation of states in the post-war world. Leaders of the Big Three, who ensured the Victory over the fascist-militarist bloc in 1945, made decisive contribution to its creation. This system cemented the world order during the Cold War years until the collapse of the USSR in 1991 and the destruction of the bipolar structure of the organization of international relations. Post-Cold War changes stimulated the search for new structures of the international order. Article purpose is to characterize circumstances of foundations formation of postwar world and to show how the historical decisions made by the leaders of the anti-Hitler coalition powers in 1945 are projected onto modern political processes. Study focuses on interrelated questions: what was the post-war world order and how integral it was? How did the political decisions of 1945 affect the origins of the Cold War? Does the American-centrist international order, that prevailed at the end of the 20th century, genetically linked to the Atlantic Charter and the goals of the anti- Hitler coalition in the war, have a future?Many elements of the Yalta-Potsdam system of international relations in the 1990s survived and proved their viability. The end of the Cold War and globalization created conditions for widespread democracy in the world. The liberal system of international relations, which expanded in the late XX - early XXI century, is currently experiencing a crisis. It will be necessary to strengthen existing international institutions that ensure stability and security, primarily to create barriers to the spread of national egoism, radicalism and international terrorism, for have a chance to continue the liberal principles based world order (not necessarily within a unipolar system). Prerequisite for promoting idea of a liberal system of international relations is the adjustment of liberalism as such, refusal to unilaterally impose its principles on peoples with a different set of values. This will also require that all main participants in modern in-ternational life be able to develop a unilateral agenda for common problems and interstate relations, interact in a dialogue mode, delving into the arguments of opponents and taking into account their vital interests.

NATO in Balkan’s Late Twenties Tide

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 135
Author(s):  
Xhavit Sadrijaj
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Nobel Prize ◽  
Foreign Minister ◽  
Iron Curtain ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
New Concepts ◽  
The Cold War

NATO did not intervene in the Balkans to overcome Yugoslavia, or destroy it, but above all to avoid violence and to end discrimination. (Shimon Peres, the former Israeli foreign minister, winner of Nobel Prize for peace) NATO’s intervention in the Balkans is the most historic case of the alliance since its establishment. After the Cold War or the "Fall of the Iron Curtain" NATO somehow lost the sense of existing since its founding reason no longer existed. The events of the late twenties in the Balkans, strongly brought back the alliance proving the great need for its existence and defining dimensions and new concepts of security and safety for the alliance in those tangled international relations.

New ''Cold War''

2020 ◽  
pp. 27-34
Author(s):  
Vladimir Batiuk
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Nuclear Weapons ◽  
Armed Conflict ◽  
Large Scale ◽  
Arms Race ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
Nuclear Arms Race ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Nuclear Arms

In this article, the ''Cold War'' is understood as a situation where the relationship between the leading States is determined by ideological confrontation and, at the same time, the presence of nuclear weapons precludes the development of this confrontation into a large-scale armed conflict. Such a situation has developed in the years 1945–1989, during the first Cold War. We see that something similar is repeated in our time-with all the new nuances in the ideological struggle and in the nuclear arms race.

Trust, but Verify

2016 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Arms Control ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
East West

This book uses trust—with its emotional and predictive aspects—to explore international relations in the second half of the Cold War, beginning with the late 1960s. The détente of the 1970s led to the development of some limited trust between the United States and the Soviet Union, which lessened international tensions and enabled advances in areas such as arms control. However, it also created uncertainty in other areas, especially on the part of smaller states that depended on their alliance leaders for protection. The chapters in this volume look at how the “emotional” side of the conflict affected the dynamics of various Cold War relations: between the superpowers, within the two ideological blocs, and inside individual countries on the margins of the East–West confrontation.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document