The Flores Magón Brothers and Magonismo on the Borderlands

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luis A. Marentes
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Private Property ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
Mutual Aid ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Private Detective ◽  
Organizational Principles

Early critics of the Porfirio Díaz regime and editors of the influential newspaper Regeneración, Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón escaped to the United States in 1904. Here, with Ricardo as the leader and most prolific writer, they founded the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) in 1906 and facilitated oppositional transnational networks of readers, political clubs, and other organizations. From their arrival they were constantly pursued and imprisoned by coordinated Mexican and US law enforcement and private detective agencies, but their cause gained US radical and worker support. With the outbreak of the 1910 Mexican Revolution the PLM splintered, with many members joining Madero’s forces, while the Flores Magón brothers and the PLM nucleus refused to compromise. They had moved beyond a liberal critique of a dictatorship to an anarchist oppositional stance to the state and private property. While not called Magonismo at the time, their ideological and organizational principles left a legacy in both Mexico and the United States greatly associated with the brothers. During World War I, a time of a growing nativist red scare in the United States, they turned from a relative nuisance to a foreign radical threat to US authorities. Ricardo died in Leavenworth federal penitentiary in 1922 and Enrique was deported to Mexico, where he promoted the brothers’ legacy within the postrevolutionary order. Although the PLM leadership opposed the new regime, their 1906 Program inspired much of the 1917 Constitution, and several of their comrades played influential roles in the new regime. In the United States many of the networks and mutual aid initiatives that engaged with the Flores Magón brothers continued to bear fruit, well into the emergence of the Chicana/o Movement.

Women against War

2019 ◽  
pp. 169-200
Author(s):  
Anya Jabour
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Social Work ◽  
World War I ◽  
Women's Movement ◽  
The United States ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
International Social Work ◽  
World War ◽  
International Social

Chapter 7 focuses on Breckinridge’s involvement in an international women’s movement dedicated to feminism, pacifism, and justice that flourished in the United States and Europe during and after World War I. This chapter explores the origins of Breckinridge’s pacifism, her introduction to feminist-pacifism during World War I, and her continuing commitment to internationalism in the isolationist 1920s. Breckinridge maintained her commitment to social justice and her participation in international social work circles even at the height of the Red Scare.

American “Slackers” in the Mexican Revolution: International Proletarian Politics in the Midst of a National Revolution

2006 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 563-590 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dan La Botz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Conscription ◽  
War Resisters

In the spring of 1917, shortly after the United States entered World War I and adopted universal, male, military conscription, American war resisters and draft dodgers known at the time as “the slackers” began to arrive in Mexico. Senator Albert Bacon Fall claimed there were 30,000 slackers hiding out in Mexico, and slacker Linn A.E. Gale agreed with him. When American adventurer, reporter and writer Harry L. Foster passed through Mexico City in 1919, he noted that there were hundreds of Americans, many of them slackers, loitering in the city’s parks and plazas.

An Innovation in International Arbitral Tribunals–The Swiss–Allied Accord

1952 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 464-482 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nat B. King
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Private Property ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
The United Kingdom

Private property of enemies lost its absolute inviolability when at the end of World War I it was subjected to the claims of Allied nationals against Germany. After World War II enemy exterior assets became the object of reparations at the Potsdam Conference between the Governments of the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Eepublics, and the United Kingdom. To implement the Potsdam Agreement the Allied Control Council for Germany on October 30, 1945, enacted Law No. 5 which, inter alia, purported to vest in the Council title to German private assets in the neutral countries. In Switzerland this action eventually culminated in the Swiss-Allied Accord of May 25,1946, between France, the United Kingdom, the United States, and Switzerland, which provided for the liquidation of German property in Switzerland4 valued at approximately 150 million dollars. The proceeds of liquidation are to go fifty percent to Switzerland and fifty percent to the several governments signatory to the Paris Reparations Agreement of December 21, 1945.

The Mexican Revolution

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Benjamin H. Johnson
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Descent ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
Border City ◽  
Labor Exploitation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Anglo American

When rebels captured the border city of Juárez, Mexico, in May 1911 and forced the abdication of President Porfirio Díaz shortly thereafter, they not only overthrew the western hemisphere’s oldest regime but also inaugurated the first social revolution of the 20th century. Driven by disenchantment with an authoritarian regime that catered to foreign investment, labor exploitation, and landlessness, revolutionaries dislodged Díaz’s regime, crushed an effort to resurrect it, and then spent the rest of the decade fighting one another for control of the nation. This struggle, recognized ever since as foundational for Mexican politics and identity, also had enormous consequences for the ethnic makeup, border policing, and foreign policy of the United States. Over a million Mexicans fled north during the 1910s, perhaps tripling the country’s Mexican-descent population, most visibly in places such as Los Angeles that had become overwhelmingly Anglo-American. US forces occupied Mexican territory twice, nearly bringing the two nations to outright warfare for the first time since the US–Mexican War of 1846–1848. Moreover, revolutionary violence and radicalism transformed the ways that much of the American population and its government perceived their border with Mexico, providing a rationale for a much more highly policed border and for the increasingly brutal treatment of Mexican-descent people in the United States. The Mexican Revolution was a turning point for Mexico, the United States, and their shared border, and for all who crossed it.

The First Red Scare

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam J. Hodges
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Labor Movement ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
World War ◽  
Public Attention ◽  
Palmer Raids ◽  
First Red Scare

The first Red Scare, which occurred in 1919–1920, emerged out of longer clashes in the United States over the processes of industrialization, immigration, and urbanization as well as escalating conflict over the development of a labor movement challenging elite control of the economy. More immediately, the suppression of dissent during World War I and shock over a revolution in Russia that energized anti-capitalist radicals spurred further confrontations during an ill-planned postwar demobilization of the armed forces and economy. A general strike in Seattle in February 1919 that grew out of wartime grievances among shipbuilders raised the specter of Bolshevik insurrection in the United States. National press attention fanned the flames and continued to do so throughout the year. In fact, 1919 became a record strike year. Massive coal and steel walkouts in the fall shook the industrial economy, while a work stoppage by Boston police became a national sensation and spread fears of a revolutionary breakdown in public order. Ultimately, however, much of the union militancy of the war era was crushed by the end of 1919 and the labor movement entered a period of retrenchment after 1922 that lasted until the 1930s. Fall 1919 witnessed the creation of two competing Communist parties in the United States after months of press focus on bombs, riots, and strikes. Federal anti-radical investigative operations, which had grown enormously during World War I and continued into 1919, peaked in the so-called “Palmer Raids” of November 1919 and January 1920, named for US Attorney General A. Mitchell Palmer, who authorized them. The excesses of the Department of Justice and the decline of labor militancy caused a shift in press and public attention in 1920, though another Red Scare would escalate after World War II, with important continuities between the two.

Academic Freedom and Tenure in the United States

Education ◽  
2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luther Spoehr
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
Academic Freedom ◽  
The United States ◽  
Early Years ◽  
Systematic Research ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
World War ◽  
Definition Of

Academic freedom is a German import. Throughout the 19th century, more and more American scholars undertook advanced study in Germany and returned to the United States committed to wissenschaft (systematic research), a commitment that in their view required lehrfreiheit (faculty’s freedom to teach) and lernfreiheit (students’ freedom to learn). Institutional resistance to these ideas resulted in highly publicized instances of faculty being fired, but although academic freedom did not acquire force of law, competition for notable scholars, the need for expertise in an increasingly complex society, and other factors helped to get faculty demands incorporated into university governance. The landmark event in academic freedom’s early years was the founding of the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) in 1915. Their “Declaration of Principles on Academic Freedom and Academic Tenure” insisted that university faculty are “appointees,” like judges, with “professional functions to perform in which the appointing authorities have neither competency nor moral right to intervene.” Since then, the definition of academic freedom has evolved to include specific protection of research, teaching, and, most controversial and problematic, extramural speech. It has also expanded to include more and more institutions, with backing from prominent professional organizations—the 1940 “Statement of Principles” (which updated the 1915 “Declaration”) along with the 1970 “Interpretive Comments” has been endorsed by literally hundreds of academic groups. These supportive developments periodically met resistance from business, government, and populist elements, which argued that academic freedom shielded economic inefficiency or political radicalism. The First Red Scare (during and after World War I) and the Second Red Scare, featuring McCarthyism (after World War II), are just two eras during which academic freedom was under serious attack. Today, postmodern theory calls “objective truth” into question, leading some academics themselves to doubt the usefulness or even the possibility of academic freedom. This bibliography is an introductory guide to past and present arguments for and conflicts about academic freedom. Many works mentioned here define “academic freedom” broadly and include free speech and other rights often linked to the narrower definition of academic freedom that pertains to faculty research, teaching, and extramural speech. Entries indicate which aspects of academic freedom are dealt with in each work. This bibliography builds on the work of previous bibliographers and includes the most important items they mention, but most references here have been published (either in print or online) since the earlier bibliographies appeared.

Scorpion’s Tale

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
Political Reform ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mexican Descent ◽  
Age Of Revolution ◽  
Porfirio Diaz ◽  
The U.S

The fourth chapter sheds new historical insight on a key but little-studied demographic of incarceration in the United States: Mexicanos, including immigrants from Mexico and U.S.-born persons of Mexican descent. It is a story that unfolded across the U.S.-Mexico borderlands but peaked in Los Angeles when, in the summer of 1907, two LA PD officers kicked in the door of a shanty on the outskirts of town and arrested three leaders of a rebel movement to oust Mexico’s president, Porfirio Diaz. These men, Ricardo Flores Magon, Librado Rivera, and Antonio Villarreal, were political exiles living in hiding in the United States. Their arrests, as with the arrests of thousands of their supporters across the borderlands, were part of President Diaz’s counterinsurgency campaign to cage (if not kill) Magon and crush his rebel movement, which demanded massive political reform and land redistribution in Mexico. Yet, while incarcerated in Los Angeles, Magon, Villarreal, and Rivera cultivated new ways to stoke rebellion in Mexico. Their ongoing assault on the Diaz regime pushed Mexico toward the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution (1910–17). Therefore, Chapter 4 unearths how the incarceration of Mexicanos in the United States surged during the age of revolution in Mexico. It is an epic tale.

The Irish Sinn Féin Movement and Radical Labor and Feminist Dissent in America, 1916–1921

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 11-37
Author(s):  
Elizabeth McKillen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
The United States ◽  
Russian Revolution ◽  
Radical Politics ◽  
Red Scare ◽  
Department Of Justice ◽  
World War ◽  
Sinn Fein ◽  
American Labor

The Irish Easter Rebellion of 1916 produced shockwaves in US labor and radical circles arguably as great as those that emanated from the Russian Revolution of 1917. Yet while Bolshevik agitation in the United States in the aftermath of the Russian Revolution, along with its role in fostering a post – World War I “Red Scare,” has been carefully studied, the significance of the Irish Revolution for US labor and radical politics has received relatively little attention. This article uses the records of the Bureau of Investigation and the Department of Justice, among other sources, to suggest that American authorities were profoundly worried about the subversive influence of Irish Sinn Féin revolutionaries on the American labor and women’s suffrage movements. Authorities were right to be worried, for while some Irish and Irish American Sinn Féin advocates were social conservatives, others championed new forms of workers’ and women’s empowerment that fundamentally threatened existing social and political structures.

The United States and Carranza, 1917: The Question ofDe JureRecognition

1972 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 214-231 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark T. Gilderhus
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Woodrow Wilson ◽  
New Mexican ◽  
German Question ◽  
Mexican Nationalism ◽  
The Government

Woodrow Wilson seldom wavered in his determination to guide the Mexican Revolution along a course acceptable to the United States. From the beginning, he insisted upon the creation of a stable, constitutional, and representative government which could reform social and economic inequities and would provide a hospitable environment for American economic interests. The possibility of involvement in World War I, however, weakened the president's bargaining power with Mexico and reduced his ability to pursue his goals effectively. As Wilson learned to his regret, blatant interference tended to heighten Yankeephobic Mexican nationalism and to create a circumstance which Germany might exploit to her advantage. This problem became critical early in 1917, when the German question profoundly influenced the American government's response to the new Mexican Constitution. Historians hitherto have neglected this relationship, even though it provides an intriguing insight into United States policy toward the government of First Chief Venustiano Carranza.

American “Slackers” in the Mexican Revolution: International Proletarian Politics in the Midst of a National Revolution

2006 ◽  
Vol 62 (04) ◽  
pp. 563-590
Author(s):  
Dan La Botz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War I ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
World War ◽  
Military Conscription ◽  
War Resisters

In the spring of 1917, shortly after the United States entered World War I and adopted universal, male, military conscription, American war resisters and draft dodgers known at the time as “the slackers” began to arrive in Mexico. Senator Albert Bacon Fall claimed there were 30,000 slackers hiding out in Mexico, and slacker Linn A.E. Gale agreed with him. When American adventurer, reporter and writer Harry L. Foster passed through Mexico City in 1919, he noted that there were hundreds of Americans, many of them slackers, loitering in the city’s parks and plazas.

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