Scorpion’s Tale

Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

The fourth chapter sheds new historical insight on a key but little-studied demographic of incarceration in the United States: Mexicanos, including immigrants from Mexico and U.S.-born persons of Mexican descent. It is a story that unfolded across the U.S.-Mexico borderlands but peaked in Los Angeles when, in the summer of 1907, two LA PD officers kicked in the door of a shanty on the outskirts of town and arrested three leaders of a rebel movement to oust Mexico’s president, Porfirio Diaz. These men, Ricardo Flores Magon, Librado Rivera, and Antonio Villarreal, were political exiles living in hiding in the United States. Their arrests, as with the arrests of thousands of their supporters across the borderlands, were part of President Diaz’s counterinsurgency campaign to cage (if not kill) Magon and crush his rebel movement, which demanded massive political reform and land redistribution in Mexico. Yet, while incarcerated in Los Angeles, Magon, Villarreal, and Rivera cultivated new ways to stoke rebellion in Mexico. Their ongoing assault on the Diaz regime pushed Mexico toward the outbreak of the Mexican Revolution (1910–17). Therefore, Chapter 4 unearths how the incarceration of Mexicanos in the United States surged during the age of revolution in Mexico. It is an epic tale.

Author(s):  
Benjamin H. Johnson

When rebels captured the border city of Juárez, Mexico, in May 1911 and forced the abdication of President Porfirio Díaz shortly thereafter, they not only overthrew the western hemisphere’s oldest regime but also inaugurated the first social revolution of the 20th century. Driven by disenchantment with an authoritarian regime that catered to foreign investment, labor exploitation, and landlessness, revolutionaries dislodged Díaz’s regime, crushed an effort to resurrect it, and then spent the rest of the decade fighting one another for control of the nation. This struggle, recognized ever since as foundational for Mexican politics and identity, also had enormous consequences for the ethnic makeup, border policing, and foreign policy of the United States. Over a million Mexicans fled north during the 1910s, perhaps tripling the country’s Mexican-descent population, most visibly in places such as Los Angeles that had become overwhelmingly Anglo-American. US forces occupied Mexican territory twice, nearly bringing the two nations to outright warfare for the first time since the US–Mexican War of 1846–1848. Moreover, revolutionary violence and radicalism transformed the ways that much of the American population and its government perceived their border with Mexico, providing a rationale for a much more highly policed border and for the increasingly brutal treatment of Mexican-descent people in the United States. The Mexican Revolution was a turning point for Mexico, the United States, and their shared border, and for all who crossed it.


Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

The third chapter is a western tale of national and global import. That tale, which sutures the split between the history of incarceration within the United States and the history of deportation from the United States, swirls around the passage of the 1892 Geary Act, a federal law that required all Chinese laborers in the United States to prove their legal residence and register with the federal government or be subject to up to one year of imprisonment at hard labor and, then, deportation. Chinese immigrants rebelled against the new law, refusing to be locked out, kicked out, or singled out for imprisonment. Launching the first mass civil disobedience campaign for immigrant rights in the history of the United States, Chinese immigrants forced the U.S. Supreme Court to issue a set of sweeping and enduring decisions regarding the future of U.S. immigration control. Buried in those decisions, which cut through Los Angeles during the summer of 1893, lay the invention of immigrant detention as a nonpunitive form of caging noncitizens within the United States. It was then an obscure and contested practice of indisputably racist origins. It is now one of the most dynamic sectors of the U.S. carceral landscape.


2008 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 583-609
Author(s):  
Frederick Douglass Opie

In May 2006, foreign-born workers, largely from Latin America, mobilized across the United States in response to calls from anti-immigrant groups for tougher federal policies against illegal immigrants. About 400,000 protested in Chicago, 300,000 in Los Angeles, and 75,000 in Denver. In fifty cities between Los Angeles and New York, workers organized walkouts, demonstrations, and rallies in an effort to show just how important they were to the smooth operation of the U.S. economy.


Author(s):  
Luis A. Marentes

Early critics of the Porfirio Díaz regime and editors of the influential newspaper Regeneración, Ricardo and Enrique Flores Magón escaped to the United States in 1904. Here, with Ricardo as the leader and most prolific writer, they founded the Partido Liberal Mexicano (PLM) in 1906 and facilitated oppositional transnational networks of readers, political clubs, and other organizations. From their arrival they were constantly pursued and imprisoned by coordinated Mexican and US law enforcement and private detective agencies, but their cause gained US radical and worker support. With the outbreak of the 1910 Mexican Revolution the PLM splintered, with many members joining Madero’s forces, while the Flores Magón brothers and the PLM nucleus refused to compromise. They had moved beyond a liberal critique of a dictatorship to an anarchist oppositional stance to the state and private property. While not called Magonismo at the time, their ideological and organizational principles left a legacy in both Mexico and the United States greatly associated with the brothers. During World War I, a time of a growing nativist red scare in the United States, they turned from a relative nuisance to a foreign radical threat to US authorities. Ricardo died in Leavenworth federal penitentiary in 1922 and Enrique was deported to Mexico, where he promoted the brothers’ legacy within the postrevolutionary order. Although the PLM leadership opposed the new regime, their 1906 Program inspired much of the 1917 Constitution, and several of their comrades played influential roles in the new regime. In the United States many of the networks and mutual aid initiatives that engaged with the Flores Magón brothers continued to bear fruit, well into the emergence of the Chicana/o Movement.


Author(s):  
Kelly Lytle Hernández

The fifth chapter continues to chart the rise of Mexican and Mexican American incarceration in the United States. Like Magon’s rebellion, it is a tale that unfolded in Los Angeles and across the U.S.-Mexico borderlands. Like the history of immigrant detention, it is a story about the collision of deportation and incarceration. But in particular, Chapter 5 examines how, during the 1920s and 1930s, the politics of controlling Mexican immigration to the United States directly prompted the criminalization of unauthorized border crossings and, in turn, triggered a steady rise in the number of Mexicans imprisoned within the United States. Home to the largest Mexican community within the United States, Los Angeles was ground zero for the politics and practices of Mexican incarceration in these years.


HortScience ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 513E-514
Author(s):  
Donald N. Maynard

The Citizen Ambassador Program was initiated in 1956 when President Dwight D. Eisenhower founded “People to People.” His vast perspective as a military and governmental leader led him to believe that individual citizens reaching out in friendship to the people of other nations could make a significant contribution to world understanding. From 14–28 Aug. 1998, ASHS took part in the “People-to People Mission to China.” Our delegation was composed of six ASHS Members and two guests. Delegates were from Canada and Brazil and the United States. After meeting in Los Angeles for a final briefing, the delegation departed for Hong Kong, where we immediately boarded a flight to Beijing. Our China experience began in Beijing, then on to Hangzhou, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Hong Kong. All of these locations are in the densely populated eastern portion of China. (China has approximately the same area as the United States, but it has 1.25 billion people compared to only 270 million in the U.S.) Our time at each location was about equally divided between professional and cultural activities. Our Chinese horticultural colleagues were enthusiastic and well-trained. As in the United States, the quality of the facilities and the equipment varied somewhat among locations. Operating funds, never sufficient for research and maintenance of facilities, commonly were supplemented by sale of horticultural products.


Author(s):  
Kevin D. Lam

Youth gangs of color in the United States have emerged in the context of larger structural forces. For example, Mexican American, black, and Vietnamese/Asian American youth gang formation in Southern California is tied to their respective racialized communities’ initial movements into the Los Angeles area (from Mexico and Vietnam, and for blacks, from the U.S. South). Structural forces such as political/social unrest and economic instability, both domestically and in their sending countries; the role of the U.S. military and economic apparatus; and (im)migration patterns and trends impact the particularities of youth gang subculture—including protection and self-preservation; ethnic pride and desire for family; having to navigate, resist, and rearticulate youth identities (in and outside the context of schooling); and the desire to garner money, power, and respect in a capitalist context. U.S. racism and state violence have also had an impact on youth gang formation. Anti-youth legislation in the late 1980s and early 1990s, in particular, have helped shape the discourse on youth of color, criminality, “gangs,” space, and citizenship over the past three decades. Although such youth are typically on the margins or left out of educational institutions, a critical pedagogy provides a space for engagement and hope.


1998 ◽  
pp. 10-19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edna Bonacich

The apparel industry in the United States is declining. Every month new reports are put out enumerating the loss of jobs. Meanwhile, parallel numbers report the monthly rise of imports. However, even though apparel jobs are moving offshore, U.S.-based manufacturers and retailers still play a critical role in the production of apparel for the U.S. market. They have become multinational corporations. They now arrange for the production of their clothing in other countries, but they still remain in charge of ordering and marketing.


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