Place Managers and Crime Places

Author(s):  
John E. Eck

Place management theory—a part of routine activity theory—explains why a relatively few places have a great deal of crime while most places have little or no crime. The explanation is the way place managers carry out their four primary functions: organization of space, regulation of conduct, control of access, and acquisition of resources. Place managers are those people and organizations that own and operate businesses, homes, hotels, drinking establishments, schools, government offices, places of worship, health centers, and other specific locations. They can even operate mobile places such as busses, trains, ships, and aircraft. Some are large—a multi-story office tower for example—while others are tiny—a bus stop, for example. Place managers are important because they can exercise control over the people who use these locations and in doing so contribute to public order and safety. Consequently, it is important to understand place management, how it can fail, and what one can do to prevent failures. Place management has implications beyond high-crime sites. When crime places are connected, they can create crime hot spots in an area. The concentration of high crime places can inflate crime in a neighborhood. Moreover, place management can be applied to virtual locations, such as servers, websites, and other network infrastructures. There is considerable evaluation evidence that place managers can change high crime locations to low crime locations. Research also shows that displacement to other places, though possible, is far from inevitable. Indeed, research shows that improving a high crime place can reduce crime at places nearby places. Although much of this research has studied how police intervene with place managers, non-police regulatory agencies can carry out this public safety function.

Author(s):  
David Weisburd ◽  
Sean Wire

Hot spots of crime, and the criminology of place more generally, deviate from the traditional paradigm of criminology, in which the primary assumption and goal is to explain who is likely to commit crime and their motivations, and to explore interventions aimed at reducing individual criminality. Alternatively, crime hot spots account for the “where” of crime, specifically referring to the concentration of crime in small geographic areas. The criminology of place demands a rethinking in regard to how we understand the crime problem and offers alternate ways to predict, explain, and prevent crime. While place, as large geographic units, has been important since the inception of criminology as a discipline, research examining crime concentrations at a micro-geographic level has only recently begun to be developed. This approach has been facilitated by improvements to data availability, technology, and the understanding of crime as a function of the environment. The new crime and place paradigm is rooted in the past three decades of criminological research centered on routine activity theory, crime concentrations, and hot spots policing. The focus on crime hot spots has led to several core empirical findings. First, crime is meaningfully concentrated, such that a large proportion of crime events occur at relatively few places within larger geographies like cities. This may be termed the law of crime concentration at places (see Weisburd, 2015). Additionally, most hot spots of crime are stable over time, and thus present promising opportunities for crime prevention. Crime hot spots vary within higher geographic units, suggesting both that there is a loss of information at higher levels of aggregation and that there are clear “micro communities” within the larger conceptualization of a neighborhood. Finally, crime at place is predictable, which is important for being able to understand why crime is concentrated in one place and not another, as well as to develop crime prevention strategies. These empirical characteristics of crime hot spots have led to the development of successful police interventions to reduce crime. These interventions are generally termed hot spots policing.


2003 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 253-284 ◽  
Author(s):  
B. Grant Stitt ◽  
Mark Nichols ◽  
David Giacopassi

This study is an analysis of crime in six new casino communities and compares the crime rates to those found in six noncasino control communities. The experimental and control communities were matched on 15 socioeconomic variables. The crime rates were calculated using resident population and population at-risk, which includes tourists in the crime rate calculations. Both Part I and Part II crimes were analyzed using data encompassing the pre- and postcasino presence. Crime was expected to rise in the casino communities, consistent with routine activity theory and the belief that casinos serve as hot spots for crime. The analysis yielded few consistent findings across the test and control communities. Crime rates increased significantly in some casino communities, some remained relatively stable, and others decreased. The authors conclude that crime does not inevitably increase with the introduction of a casino into a community, but that the effects of casinos on crime appear to be related to a variety of variables which are only poorly understood.


Author(s):  
Manne Gerell

AbstractPlaces with persistently high levels of crime, hot spots, are an important object of study. To some extent, the high levels of crime at such hot spots are likely to be related to flows of people. City center locations with large flows of people are quite often also hot spots, e.g., hot spots for pick pocketing at a central train station, or hot spots for assault in the nightlife district. This can be related to crime pattern theory, or to the routine activity perspective, which both suggest that flows of people can affect crime. The present study attempts to explore and quantify whether there are differences in the association between flows of people and crime for different crime types. The analysis considers locations with high crime counts for six crime types in the city of Malmö, Sweden. For each crime type, hot spots are identified and mapped, and in order to explore whether, or how, these are related to flows of people, the crime levels are then analyzed in relation to the number of people who boarded a local bus (N = 33,134,198) nearby. The paper shows that all six crime types are associated with flows of people, although less so for arson and vandalism. This is hypothesized to be due to the relatively constant target availability for these crimes as opposed to the other crime types studied.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manne Gerell

Places with persistently high levels of crime, hot spots, are an important object of study. To some extent the high levels of crime at such hot spots are likely to be related to flows of people. City center locations with large flows of people are quite often also hot spots, e.g. hot spots for pick pocketing at a central train station, or hot spots for assault in the nightlife district. This can be related to crime pattern theory, or to the routine activity perspective, which both suggest that flows of people can affect crime. The present study attempts to explore and quantify whether there are differences in the association between flows of people and crime for different crime types. The analysis considers locations with high crime counts for six crime types in the city of Malmö, Sweden. For each crime type, hot spots are identified and mapped, and in order to explore whether, or how, these are related to flows of people, the crime levels are then analyzed in relation to the number of people who boarded a local bus (N=33,134,198) nearby. The paper shows that all six crime types are associated with flows of people, although less so for arson and vandalism. This is hypothesized to be due to the relatively constant target availability for these crimes as opposed to the other crime types studied.


1997 ◽  
Vol 27 (4) ◽  
pp. 771-783 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen McElrath ◽  
Dale D. Chitwood ◽  
Mary Comerford

This study uses routine activity theory to examine violent and property crime victimization among a sample of 308 injection drug users (IDUs). We estimate prevalence rates and identify factors that contribute to the victimization of IDUs. The findings suggest that victimization rates of IDUs were much higher than rates found for the general urban population. Generally, crime involvement did not contribute significantly to victimization risk. Use of crack-cocaine increased the likelihood of property crime victimization whereas heroin use decreased the probability of both violent and property crime victimization. Other drug lifestyle activities (i.e., waiting in uncomfortable situations to buy drugs) also affected victimization risk Finally, the results suggest that victimization differed by age and by gender, despite controls for drug use and drug lifestyle activities. Explanations for these results are offered.


Author(s):  
Daniela Collazos ◽  
Eduardo Garcia ◽  
Daniel Mejia ◽  
Daniel Ortega ◽  
Santiago Tobon

2021 ◽  
pp. 088626052199743
Author(s):  
Dana Aizenkot

Cyberbullying has been pervading worldwide with negative implications for victims. Therefore, there is an urgent need to better understand this phenomenon and the factors that predict it, as the basis for effective prevention and intervention efforts. The current research aims to examine routine activity theory (RAT) as a theoretical framework predictive of cyberbullying victimization (CV) among children and youth. It was hypothesized that each of the RAT measures and the convergence of all measures predict CV. Data were collected from 5,719 primary, middle, and high school Israeli students (51.9% females) during the 2019–2020 school year via online questionnaires. Regression and moderation analyses were conducted to assess the predictability of CV from RAT measures, separately and converged. All RAT measures, separately and converged, predict CV. While off-line trust negatively predicts CV, other control variables, that is, online trust, educational institution phase, and gender, do not. Implications for school programs and guidelines for parents address the risk and protective factors of CV found. This study provides support for the predictability of CV from RAT and expands the knowledge of risk and protective factors predictive of CV.


2020 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 1552-1593
Author(s):  
Xin (Robert) Luo ◽  
◽  
Han Li ◽  
Qing Hu ◽  
Heng Xu ◽  
...  

Social Forces ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 329-354 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Hawdon ◽  
Colin Bernatzky ◽  
Matthew Costello

AbstractThe Internet’s relatively unfettered transmission of information risks exposing individuals to extremist content. Using online survey data (N = 768) of American youth and young adults, we examine factors that bring individuals into contact with online material advocating violence. Combining aspects of social structure-social learning theory with insights from routine activity theory, we find that exposure to violence-advocating materials is positively correlated with online behaviors, including the use of social media platforms and the virtual spaces individuals frequent. Target antagonism is also correlated with exposure to violence-advocating materials, but guardianship and online and offline associations are not. Finally, feelings of dissatisfaction with major social institutions and economic disengagement are associated with exposure to violent materials online.


2022 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-291
Author(s):  
Solbey Morillo Puente ◽  
Iván Neftalí Ríos Hernández

This quantitative-based research determined whether the routine activity theory influences cyber victimization. To measure the dimensions of the theory, defined as exposure to a motivated offender, suitable online target, and absence of a capable guardian, a valid and reliable questionnaire was used. The cyber victimization questionnaire developed by Álvarez-García, Dobarro, and Núñez was applied to 1,285 students selected at random from schools in Colombia. Findings: 46% are identified as exposed to a motivated offender, 37.5% are suitable online targets, and 29.8% have no capable guardians. The interdependence of these three elements revealed that 3.9% of students are at risk due to their routine activities, which had a significant influence on cyber victimization. It is proposed that these findings should be considered in the design of communicative and educational policies aimed at a responsible use of technologies.


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