South Africa’s African National Congress in Exile

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Colin Bundy
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Soviet Bloc ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
International Solidarity ◽  
The Status ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Apartheid Regime ◽  
Military Victory

The African National Congress (ANC) operated in exile for just over three decades, from 1960 to mid-1990. It developed from a flimsy and inexperienced “external mission” to an exiled organization caring for thousands of full-time members and maintaining an army, Umkontho weSizwe (MK), which by the 1980s numbered about 5000 soldiers. Based predominantly in Tanzania, Zambia, and Angola (though with members and offices in many other countries), the exiled movement established schools, hospitals, farms, and factories; it published and broadcast energetically; it lobbied for international support and established a diplomatic presence in dozens of countries. By the late 1980s, it was clear to the apartheid regime that it could not defeat or ignore the ANC but must enter negotiations with the organization. Equally, it was clear to the exiled leadership of the ANC that armed struggle relying on Soviet bloc funding was no longer feasible. Negotiations, and not military victory or seizure of power, was the only available option. The ANC was pushed to the brink of survival but recovered, cohered, and regrouped, especially after 1976 when its membership and influence increased substantially. By 1990, through a combination of popular support inside South Africa and international solidarity, the ANC was swept to the status of government-in-waiting. Yet the exile experience was by no means an uninterrupted success story. The organization was variously beset by factionalism, rank-and-file disquiet, security failings, and an armed wing that saw little armed action. The ANC’s exile experience has generated controversy: over its relations with the South African Communist Party in exile; its human rights record, especially in the MK camps; and a political culture shaped by secrecy, militarism, and hierarchy. The “reinvention” of the organization in exile was a striking achievement—and it came at a cost.

Dancing for the Nation: Ballet Diplomacy and Transnational Politics in Post-Apartheid South Africa

2018 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-98
Author(s):  
Meryl Lauer
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Transition To Democracy ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Transnational Politics ◽  
International Diplomacy ◽  
Generous Support ◽  
Sources Of Support ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Apartheid Regime

This article argues that nationalism and international diplomacy are embodied practices, as evidenced through the movement of international ballet dancers in South Africa. Under the apartheid regime, South African professional ballet received generous support from governmental sources. Since the transition to democracy, professional ballet companies have utilized creative strategies to court new sources of support including that of the ruling African National Congress. A key move in this campaign has been “ballet diplomacy” with Cuba—the transnational circulation of dancers, teachers, techniques, and performances in the name of the nation. Professional ballet's buy-in into South African nationalism locates dancers’ bodies in the maintenance and dissemination of state politics.

scholarly journals Választások és politikai szereplők a Dél-afrikai Köztársaságban

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (3-4.) ◽  
pp. 5-30
Author(s):  
Örs Tetlák
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
Land Reform ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The Public ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
State Capture ◽  
Capture Condition ◽  
General Elections ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Apartheid Regime

After the wasted decade of the Zuma presidency, Cyril Ramaphosa promised a renewal in South Africa in 2018. The post-state capture condition of the former economic and moral champion of the continent did not favor to regain either the confidence of the voters or of the investors. While the country had been prepairing for the sixth free general elections (25 years after the fall of the apartheid-regime), most of the domestic socio-economic problems remained unsolved. Inequality, unemployment, education, corruption, land reform and provision of public services are still the most important topics of the public talk and determined the focus of the campaign. The publication introduces the party structure of the country, the leaders of the biggest South African parties, what is more the causes and the consequences of the sixth consecutive success of the African National Congress (ANC). The article includes an analysis of the results of the national and provincial elections and beside the electoral analysis the author tries to introduce the dynamics of power within the factions of the ruling African National Congress party, adding an outlook on the members of the new Ramaphosa Cabinet. Last but not least the publication describes the most important authorities and bodies who tackle the thriving corruption in the ANC and in the subsystems of the state.

Stability and Governability the Benign Effects of Party Dominance in South Africa

2020 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-75
Author(s):  
Ainara Mancebo
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Trade Unions ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The Other ◽  
Democratic Transitions ◽  
African Countries ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Independence Era ◽  
Party Dominance

A tripartite alliance formed by the African National Congress, the South African Communist Party and the Congress of South African Trade Unions has been ruling the country with wide parliamentarian majorities. The country remains more consensual and politically inclusive than any of the other African countries in the post-independence era. This article examines three performance’s aspects of the party dominance systems: legitimacy, stability and violence. As we are living in a period in which an unprecedented number of countries have completed democratic transitions, it is politically and conceptually important that we understand the specific tasks of crafting democratic consolidation.

Michael Harmel (1915-1974): A South African Communist and His Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Milan Oralek
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Core Beliefs ◽  
Literary Interpretation ◽  
Nelson Mandela ◽  
Private Correspondence ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Actual Contribution

<p>This thesis explores the life and work of a South African journalist, editor, and activist Michael Alan Harmel (1915–1974), a political mentor and friend of Nelson Mandela. A resolute believer in racial equality and Marxism-Leninism, Harmel devoted his life to fighting, with “the pen” as well as “the sword”, segregation and apartheid, and promoting an alliance of communists with the African National Congress as a stepping stone to socialism in South Africa. Part 1, after tracing his Jewish-Lithuanian and Irish family roots, follows Harmel from his birth to 1940 when, having joined the Communist Party of South Africa, he got married and was elected secretary of the District Committee in Johannesburg. The focus is on factors germane to the formation of his political identity. The narrative section is accompanied by an analytical sketch. This, using tools of close literary interpretation, catalogues Harmel’s core beliefs as they inscribed themselves in his journalism, histories, a sci-fi novel, party memoranda, and private correspondence. The objective is to delineate his ideological outlook, put to the test the assessment of Harmel—undeniably a skilled publicist—as a “creative thinker” and “theorist”, and determine his actual contribution to the liberation discourse.</p>

Michael Harmel (1915-1974): A South African Communist and His Discourse

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Milan Oralek
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
South African ◽  
Political Identity ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Core Beliefs ◽  
Literary Interpretation ◽  
Nelson Mandela ◽  
Private Correspondence ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Actual Contribution

<p>This thesis explores the life and work of a South African journalist, editor, and activist Michael Alan Harmel (1915–1974), a political mentor and friend of Nelson Mandela. A resolute believer in racial equality and Marxism-Leninism, Harmel devoted his life to fighting, with “the pen” as well as “the sword”, segregation and apartheid, and promoting an alliance of communists with the African National Congress as a stepping stone to socialism in South Africa. Part 1, after tracing his Jewish-Lithuanian and Irish family roots, follows Harmel from his birth to 1940 when, having joined the Communist Party of South Africa, he got married and was elected secretary of the District Committee in Johannesburg. The focus is on factors germane to the formation of his political identity. The narrative section is accompanied by an analytical sketch. This, using tools of close literary interpretation, catalogues Harmel’s core beliefs as they inscribed themselves in his journalism, histories, a sci-fi novel, party memoranda, and private correspondence. The objective is to delineate his ideological outlook, put to the test the assessment of Harmel—undeniably a skilled publicist—as a “creative thinker” and “theorist”, and determine his actual contribution to the liberation discourse.</p>

scholarly journals Facilitation and Mediation in South Africa: Three Case Studies

1998 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hendrik Van der Merwe
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
South African ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
The South ◽  
National Congress

In this paper I discuss three case studies of facilitation and mediation in South Africa: 1) facilitation between the South African apartheid establishment and the African National Congress in exile from 1963 to 1989; 2) facilitation that eventually led to mediation between Inkatha and the United Democratic Front in Natal over 10 months from 1985 to 1986; and 3)mediation between the African National Congress and the Afrikaner Freedom Foundation (Afrikaner Vryheidstigting, also known as Avstig) over 18 months from 1991 to 1993.

Family Trees: Roots and Branches – The Dynasty and Legacy of the Reverend Tiyo Soga

2015 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-37
Author(s):  
Joanne Davis
Keyword(s):  
South African ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Music Teacher ◽  
Eastern Cape ◽  
Church Of Scotland ◽  
Presbyterian Church ◽  
Veterinary Surgeon ◽  
National Congress ◽  
Family Trees

The Reverend Tiyo Soga, ordained as a minister in the United Presbyterian Church of Scotland in December 1856, is a remarkable figure in many ways. However, one area not yet commented on in the scholarly literature on Soga is the legacy of his family within the ministry. This paper examines the role of Soga's parents, ‘Old Soga’ and NoSuthu, in his conversion and introduces his wife, Janet Soga, and their seven surviving children, of whom two sons – William Anderson and John Henderson – were ordained ministers and missionaries, and two daughters – Isabelle McFarlane and Francis Maria Anne – worked in missions in the Eastern Cape. The three remaining Soga siblings, who did not go in for the ministry, nonetheless led full and interesting lives. Kirkland Allan was a pioneer of the now ruling African National Congress, Festiri Jotelo was the first South African veterinary surgeon, and Jessie Margaret was a pianist and music teacher in Scotland, where she looked after Janet Soga after they moved to Dollar following Soga's death. In addition, Soga's nephew and namesake, Tiyo Burnside Soga, became an ordained minister and a writer, and since then, several of Soga's great- and great-great-grandchildren have become ministers. This paper seeks to situate the Soga family as a powerful family in South African religious history and its intelligentsia.

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